🏷️ #Venezuela #US #Trump #PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

🎁 🔗 www.wsj.com/world/americas/venezuela...

Thirteen Political Prisoners Executed in Forty Days of War, More Face Death Sentences At least fourteen political prisoners were executed amid war and securitization, while more protesters—from Bukan to Mashhad—remain under sentence of death or at imminent risk. In the forty days marked by war, military escalation, and an intensified security atmosphere inside Iran, the Islamic Republic carried out a new wave of executions against political prisoners and protesters. At least fourteen political prisoners were executed during this period, thirteen of them identified by name in the cases detailed below. Alongside these executions, more detainees from the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising of 2022–2023 and the January 2026 uprising now face death sentences or charges that can lead to execution. What stands out across these cases is not only the speed of the executions, but also the political function of the death penalty itself: forced confessions, denial of independent counsel, torture, and a judiciary that appears to be using wartime conditions to accelerate repression. A Rapid Execution Campaign At dawn on April 4, 2026, the judiciary executed Abolhasan Montazer and Vahid Bani Amerian, two political prisoners accused of links to the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK). According to Mizan, the judiciary’s official outlet, they had been charged with “membership in a rebellious group” and “assembly and collusion against internal security through conscious contact with MEK operatives.” State media also claimed that “launcher components” and disguise equipment had been found in their possession. But the record of their arrests casts doubt on the wartime narrative the authorities tried to construct around their cases. Both men had been arrested on December 22, 2023, long before the Israeli-American attack of February 28, 2026, and even before last summer’s twelve-day war. Their cases were not products of the current war; rather, the war seems to have provided the state with a more permissive atmosphere for carrying out their executions. Vahid Bani Amerian, born in 1992–1993 in Sonqor, held a master’s degree in management and worked as an online teacher. He came from a family in which five members had been executed in the 1980s. He had previously been arrested in 2017 and 2018, sentenced to ten years in prison and internal exile, released from Gohardasht Prison in March 2023, and then exiled to Bashagard in Hormozgan. He was rearrested on December 22, 2023, taken to Ward 209 of Evin Prison, and reportedly held under severe torture for forty-eight days, repeatedly threatened with summary execution. He was eventually sentenced to death for “rebellion through membership in anti-state groups,” in addition to a five-year prison sentence on a separate charge of collusion. Abolhasan Montazer, born in 1959 in Tehran, was a married father of two and trained as an architect. He was also arrested on December 22, 2023, and taken to Ward 209. A political prisoner both before and after the 1979 revolution, he was first arrested in Mashhad in 1977–1978, then again in May–June 1981, spending more than four years in prison. He was rearrested several times in later years, including in 2020–2021, when he was sentenced to five years for collusion, propaganda, and alleged membership in the MEK. He suffered from serious illnesses, including heart disease, diabetes, liver and kidney problems, and psoriasis. Despite a history of open-heart surgery and severe physical vulnerability, he too was sentenced to death and executed. Their executions came only days after the hanging of four other political prisoners—Babak Alipour, Pouya Qobadi, Akbar Daneshvarkar, and Mohammad Taghavi Sangdehi—who had likewise been accused of ties to the MEK and sentenced in similar security cases. Rights groups and international monitors have repeatedly stressed that in Iran’s political and security cases, defendants are routinely denied effective access to legal counsel, while confessions extracted under torture and coercion form the basis of the heaviest sentences, including death. From the January Uprising to the Gallows The wave did not stop with prisoners accused of links to the MEK. It extended directly into cases tied to the January uprising. On April 5, 2026, Mizan announced the execution of Mohammadamin Biglari and Shahin Vahedparast, two protesters arrested during the January uprising. According to the judiciary, they had entered a classified military site, participated in its destruction and burning, and attempted to gain access to an armory. Their death sentences had reportedly been issued by Branch 15 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court under Judge Abolqasem Salavati on February 7, 2026, around one month after their arrest, and later upheld by the Supreme Court. Yet reports surrounding the case suggest that the confessions were extracted under torture and pressure. Available evidence—including images from the fire at the Kaveh Basij base in eastern Tehran, as well as statements by defense lawyers—has cast serious doubt on the official version of events. A day later, on April 6, 2026, the judiciary announced the execution of Ali Fahim, another January uprising protester accused of taking part in the same alleged attack on the Kaveh Basij base. Ali Fahim was the fourth person executed in this case. Before him, Amirhossein Hatami had been executed on April 2, 2026, followed by Mohammadamin Biglari and Shahin Vahedparast on April 5. In total, seven defendants in the so-called Kaveh Basij base case were sentenced to death on charges of moharebeh, or “enmity against God,” in a case centered on the alleged attack on the Kaveh Basij base in eastern Tehran during the January uprising, where authorities claimed the accused had entered the site, set it ablaze, and tried to seize weapons and ammunition. Lawyers for some of the defendants described the proceedings as unfair and reported both torture and denial of access to independent counsel. With these executions carried out, only one defendant in that case remains under immediate threat of execution. The execution wave also reached Qom. On March 19, 2026, Mehdi Ghassemi, Saleh Mohammadi, and Saeed Davoudi—three people arrested after the January 8 protests in Qom—were executed. Together with the MEK-linked cases and the Kaveh base case, their executions form part of a broader pattern: the death penalty is being deployed not as a last resort in credible criminal proceedings, but as an instrument for crushing dissent in a wartime security climate. UN officials reacted with alarm. On April 1, 2026, Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, called on the Islamic Republic to halt all executions immediately. One day later, on April 2, Mai Sato, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, also warned of the imminent danger facing prisoners on death row and demanded an immediate stop to the executions. Amnesty International likewise warned that the Iranian authorities are using capital punishment not merely as a criminal penalty, but as a means of silencing dissent and spreading fear across society. Those Still Under Sentence of Death Alongside those already executed, several more political prisoners and protesters now face death sentences or charges that could lead to execution. According to the Kurdistan Human Rights Network, Branch 1 of the Mahabad Revolutionary Court sentenced Mohsen Eslamkhah, a 20-year-old from Bukan, to death on a charge of moharebeh. He had been identified in 2022–2023 for taking part in the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” protests in Bukan, when he was only sixteen years old. Because of pressure and fear of arrest, he fled Iran and lived in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq until returning on August 1, 2025. After presenting himself to the Bukan Intelligence Office the next day, he was arrested, tortured for around two months in the Urmia Intelligence detention center, and forced to confess to involvement in the killing of a Basij member. He was later transferred to Bukan Prison, briefly released on bail, and then sentenced to death on February 17, 2026. He is now held in Bukan Prison alongside two other Kurdish prisoners under sentence of death, Raouf Sheikh-Ma’roufi and Mohammad Faraji. The sentence is especially alarming because Eslamkhah was a minor at the time of the alleged acts, and under Iranian law the Revolutionary Court should not have jurisdiction over cases involving defendants under eighteen. Raouf Sheikh-Ma’roufi and Mohammad Faraji, both Kurdish men from Bukan arrested in late 2022 and early 2023, were likewise sentenced to death by Branch 1 of the Mahabad Revolutionary Court after three years of uncertainty and torture aimed at extracting confessions. Their families have reportedly been subjected to pressure and threats by security agencies since the time of their arrest. Another protest detainee, Mihrab Abdollahzadeh, also remains at grave risk. On December 18, 2025, Branch 9 of the Supreme Court upheld his death sentence. That sentence had originally been issued in September–October 2024 by Branch 1 of the Urmia Revolutionary Court on charges of “corruption on earth” through alleged participation in the intentional killing of a Basij member. In Mashhad, Mahboubeh Sha’bani, born in 1993–1994, is currently being held in Ward 6, the women’s ward, of Vakilabad Prison. She was arrested on February 2, 2026, by Intelligence Ministry agents in Azadi Square in Mashhad. Human rights reports say she was violently arrested by five male officers and one female officer, and that her motorcycle was confiscated. She now faces the charge of moharebeh, which in Iran can carry the death penalty. The accusation reportedly stems from her assisting wounded protesters during the Mashhad protests of January 8 and 9, 2026, using her motorcycle to transport the injured to hospitals and treatment centers. Rights groups have warned that, especially given the pressure placed on her and her lack of family support after the death of both parents, she too may face a death sentence. This combination of executions already carried out and death sentences still hanging over prisoners across the country points to a broader strategy. Under cover of war, the Islamic Republic appears to be using the judiciary, and the death penalty in particular, to manage political crisis, deter protest, and deepen fear. The names listed here are not isolated cases. They mark a concentrated campaign of repression in which political prisoners, uprising detainees, and Kurdish protesters are all being pulled into the same machinery of death.

Thirteen Political Prisoners Executed in Forty Days of War, More Face Death Sentences #Iran #PoliticalPrisoners

དགེ་འདུན་པ་དཔལ་ལྡན་ཡེ་ཤེས་ཀྱི་སྐོར།
The Story of Palden Yeshi
#108peaceinstitute #freedom #democracy #ClimateAction #leadership #PoliticalPrisoners

Pakistan: Put in solitary confinement, leading woman Baloch activist flags shocking atrocities - Yes Punjab News Mahrang Baloch highlights prison abuse and enforced disappearances in Balochistan in letter to The Guardian.

Pakistan: Put in solitary confinement, leading woman Baloch activist flags shocking atrocities yespunjab.com?p=236484

#MahrangBaloch #Balochistan #HumanRights #Pakistan #EnforcedDisappearances #PoliticalPrisoners #GlobalJustice #SouthAsia #HumanRightsAbuse #BreakingNews

“The release of a few political prisoners must not hide the suffering of hundreds more.”
#108peaceinstitute #freedom #democracy #ClimateAction #leadership #PoliticalPrisoners

Cuba Pardons 2,010 Prisoners Cuba pardons 2,010 prisoners on Apr 3, 2026; the release equals ~0.018% of its 11.2m population and raises political-risk and remittance-monitoring imperatives.

Cuba Pardons 2,010 Prisoners: Cuba pardons 2,010 prisoners on Apr 3, 2026; the release equals ~0.018% of its 11.2m population and raises political-risk and remittance-monitoring imperatives. 👈 Read full analysis #Cuba #PrisonReform #HumanRights #PoliticalPrisoners #CubaNews

Under the Cover of War, Iran’s Execution Machine Targets Political Prisoners As war escalates, Iran is using secrecy, speed, and fear to intensify executions of political prisoners and January uprising detainees. As the war by the United States and Israel against Iran continues and public attention remains fixed on bombings, displacement, and regional escalation, the Islamic Republic’s execution machine has not slowed. If anything, it has accelerated. In less than three weeks, at least nine political prisoners and detainees linked to political cases have been executed, while at least 14 other political prisoners have been transferred to unknown locations and are feared to be at imminent risk. The charges vary: “moharebeh,” or “enmity against God,” a capital charge the Islamic Republic has long used in political and security cases; alleged membership in the Mojahedin-e Khalq, also known in English as the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK); collaboration with Israel; participation in armed action; or involvement in the January uprising. But the pattern is strikingly similar across the cases: opaque proceedings, heavy reliance on state-security narratives, repeated references to confessions whose conditions remain unclear, denial of meaningful access to independent counsel, sudden transfers, secret executions, and in some cases refusal to return bodies to families. From the January Uprising to the Gallows Today, on April 2, 2026, Mizan, the judiciary’s news agency, announced the execution of Amirhossein Hatami, an 18-year-old protester arrested during last winter’s January uprising. Hatami had been detained in Tehran and was one of seven defendants in a case heard by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court under Judge Abolqasem Salavati. The defendants were accused of setting fire to a Basij base near Namjoo Street in eastern Tehran on January 8, 2026, the day the Islamic Republic massacred thousands of protesters. Hatami and the others were sentenced to death on February 7 on charges including moharebeh, “corruption on earth,” destruction of public property, and conspiracy against internal and external security. Before that, state television had already broadcast videos presented as confessions. In them, the young defendants appeared with blurred faces, shaven heads, and no visible ability to speak outside the script imposed on them. Like the others in the case, Hatami was reportedly denied contact with his family for a prolonged period after arrest. He was also denied his own lawyer at the trial stage, while the defense lawyers chosen by the families were reportedly prevented from studying the case properly or intervening meaningfully in it. There are also reports that the other defendants in the same case were removed from the general ward of Ghezel Hesar Prison and taken to an unknown location, raising fears that further executions may follow. Hatami’s execution came only days after the judiciary announced the execution of three other detainees from the January uprising in Qom: Mehdi Ghasemi, Saleh Mohammadi, and Saeed Davoudi. On March 19, just before Nowruz, officials said the three men had been separately executed after being convicted of involvement in the killing of two police officers during protests on January 8 in the Chaharrah-e Nekouei and Meydan-e Nobovat areas of Qom. Yet the official details clarified little. Authorities insisted that all three had confessed during interrogations and in court. But in political and security cases in Iran, such confessions have long been among the most disputed parts of the judicial process, precisely because there is no independent way to verify how they were obtained. In the case of Saleh Mohammadi, the questions are sharper still. According to the court’s initial ruling, the death sentence rested on the accusation that he delivered the fatal knife blow. His relatives, however, say he was at a relative’s home at the time of the incident and that the court refused to hear witnesses who could support his alibi. They also say the ruling leaned heavily on interrogation-stage confessions, while the conditions under which those statements were extracted remain unknown. Mohammadi was a wrestler. The opacity surrounding the role of the other two defendants has also raised serious doubts about whether their alleged actions were ever transparently established, or whether the punishment was proportionate. Secret Executions and the Disappearance of Prisoners If the executions of January uprising detainees showed the speed with which the state is willing to move against protest defendants, the executions carried out at the end of March showed something else: secrecy elevated into method. On March 30, the judiciary’s media center announced the execution of two political prisoners accused of ties to the Mojahedin-e Khalq. One day later, two more political prisoners in the same case, Pouya Ghabadi and Babak Alipour, were also executed. According to Iran Human Rights, all four had been transferred from Hall 4 of Ghezel Hesar Prison on March 29, together with at least a dozen other political prisoners, to an unknown location. The executions were carried out secretly. Families were not given prior notice. The bodies have not been returned. One informed source told Iran Human Rights that the families have been trying since March 30 to learn the fate of their relatives, but have received no clear answer. Their most basic demand, the source said, was simply to see their loved ones and know they were still alive. The same report warned that at least 14 political prisoners remain in undisclosed locations, among them Vahid Bani-Amerian and Abolhassan Montazer, both sentenced to death. Also among those transferred are prominent long-term prisoners including Saeed Masouri, Ahmadreza Haeri, Afshin Baymani, Hamzeh Savari, Ali Younesi, Sepehr Emamjomeh, Reza Mohammadhosseini, Akbar Bagheri, Ali Moezzi, Meysam Dehbanzadeh, Loqman Aminpour, Arsham Rezaei, and Hossein Ramezani. Several of these prisoners were among the founders or members of the “Tuesdays No to Executions” campaign, a prison-based anti-execution movement that began in Ghezel Hesar and later spread to dozens of prisons across Iran. That connection matters. It suggests that the state is not only eliminating defendants in politically sensitive cases, but also targeting prisoners who have helped turn opposition to execution into an organized act of resistance from behind bars. The due-process concerns in this case are severe. According to informed sources, the prisoners had been convicted on the capital charge of armed rebellion, based on alleged membership in the Mojahedin-e Khalq, after grossly unfair proceedings marked by physical and psychological torture, including mock executions, and denial of access to their chosen lawyers. One of the lawyers in the case reportedly said there had been no notice of the timing of the executions and that, at the moment the men were put to death, the legal team was still waiting for the Supreme Court’s ruling. Another source said the Supreme Court had in fact identified defects in the case and sent it back to the lower court for correction. If that account is accurate, then these were not only secret executions but executions carried out in open contempt of even the regime’s own claimed procedures. Espionage, War, and the Blurred Line Between Courtroom and Security Response Another execution in this period points to a second wartime trend: the growing use of espionage accusations in an atmosphere saturated by military confrontation. At dawn on March 18, Kourosh Keyvani was executed after being accused by the judiciary of transferring images and information from sensitive sites to Israel. Very little is publicly known about him. Before the announcement of his execution, his name had barely surfaced in public reporting. The authorities said he had been arrested in Savojbolagh in June 2025, recruited through social media, met handlers in Europe, received training, returned to Iran, and carried out missions. They also claimed communication equipment and foreign currency were seized from him. But nearly all of this account comes from the security apparatus itself. No transparent information has been published about the conditions of his arrest, his access to an independent lawyer, the evidence tested in court, or the circumstances under which any confessions may have been obtained. The execution came just one day after Israeli airstrikes reportedly killed senior Iranian officials, intensifying the impression that the case unfolded in a moment shaped less by transparent adjudication than by a state desire to display swift retaliation and control. That impression is reinforced by the broader legal and political environment. In the final days of the 12-day war, parliament moved to toughen punishments in espionage and “cooperation with hostile states” cases. The measure later became law. In such a climate, the boundary between judicial process and political-security reaction grows even more blurred. War Has Not Interrupted Repression. It Has Reframed It Taken together, these cases show that the war has not pushed internal repression to the margins. It has provided a harsher backdrop for it. Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, director of Iran Human Rights, warned that war must not cause the Islamic Republic’s crimes against its own people to be overlooked. He described secret executions, refusal to hand over bodies, and the detention of prisoners in total uncertainty at unknown locations as forms of enforced disappearance and serious violations of fundamental human rights. International warnings have mounted. Amnesty International said on February 20 that at least eight people had been sentenced to death within weeks of arrest after the January uprising in rushed and grossly unfair proceedings tainted by torture. The organization also warned that at least 22 other people were either on trial or awaiting proceedings in cases marked by coerced confessions and denial of legal rights. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk has also warned of the alarming treatment of January uprising detainees, mass arrests, and death sentences in Iran. On April 1, he described the detention conditions of protesters as shocking. The broader numbers also matter. According to the Human Rights Activists News Agency, at least 2,063 people were executed in Iran between January 2025 and January 2026, a 119 percent increase over the previous year. That figure includes many non-political cases. But the executions of recent weeks show something more specific: under wartime conditions, the state is using the death penalty not only as punishment, but as a political technology of fear. The names are different. The charges are different. But the message is the same. In the middle of war, the Islamic Republic is still killing its prisoners, still denying families answers, still hiding bodies, and still relying on silence, speed, and secrecy to finish what its courts begin.

Under the Cover of War, Iran’s Execution Machine Targets Political Prisoners #Iran #PoliticalPrisoners

Imran Khan's Son Spotlights His Father’s Condition, Repression In Pak - IndiaWest News Imran Khan's Son Spotlights His Father’s Condition, Repression In Pak.

Imran Khan's Son Spotlights His Father’s Condition, Repression In Pak

Full Story: indiawest.com/imran-khans-...

#ImranKhan #KasimKhan #PakistanPolitics #HumanRights #PoliticalPrisoners #PakistanRepression #UNHumanRights

🇻🇪 Human rights violations in #Venezuela do not seem to be on the #US Embassy 's top priority list. However, they could exert some leverage on the Venezuelan Regime to speed up the release of all #PoliticalPrisoners 1/3

Belarus frees another 250 political prisoners as US eases sanctions Belarus has released another 250 political prisoners, the largest single release to date, after cutting a new sanctions relief deal with the US, Associated Press reported on March 19.

Belarus has released another 250 political prisoners, the largest single release to date, after cutting a new sanctions relief deal with the US, Associated Press reported on March 19. Bne IntelliNews #Belarus #PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights #Sanctions #USRelations

Sharepic zum Tag der politischen Gefangenen 2025 in Stuttgart-Stammheim mit den Knastmauern, grafisch verfremdet. Der Text: "Am 18. März und darüber hinaus: Freiheit für alle politischen Gefangenen!" Dienstag, 18. März, 17:30 vor der JVA in #Stammheim

# 18. März: Freiheit für alle politischen Gefangenen!

Der 18. März als internationaler Kampftag für die Freilassung aller politischen Gefangenen knüpft an eine lange Tradition der revolutionären #ArbeiterInnenbewegung an.

Am 18.3.1848 stand das sich […]

[Original post on mastodon.trueten.de]

Und ich gestehe, ich bin zu faul (oder zu ängstlich) (leider) Briefe an Betroffene zu schreiben,
deshalb gehe ich wenigstens Heute solidarisch zum Knast.

#TagDerPolitischenGefangenen

#politicalprisoners

2/2

Warum ich am „Tag der politischen Gefangenen“
zum Knast gehe?

Weil es immer leichter passiert, dass eine ‚harmlose‘ Demo Teilnahme zu einer „politisch“ gewollten Anzeige und entsprechenden Repressalien kommt.

#TagDerPolitischenGefangenen

#politicalprisoners

1/2

Sergei Valentinovich Klokov (Semiel Valterovich Vedel), political prisoner in Russia

4 years ago #OnThisDay, Sergei Klokov (Semiel Vedel) was arrested in Russia for other. Convicted of spreading "false information," sentenced to 7 years. Case appealed.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmgn9wy21002tl...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

Aliaksei Kuzmin, political prisoner in Belarus

Aliaksei Kuzmin, musician/manager, detained in Belarus Oct 2022, sentenced to 7 years for organizing actions violating public order/incitement to hatred.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjnfnze00gw1...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights #Belarus

Global groups urge Bangladesh govt to release critically ill, imprisoned freedom fighter - Yes Punjab News European groups urge PM Tarique Rahman to release critically ill journalist Shahriar Kabir and ensure urgent medical care.

Global groups urge Bangladesh govt to release critically ill, imprisoned freedom fighter yespunjab.com?p=228307

#ShahriarKabir #Bangladesh #HumanRights #PressFreedom #ReleaseKabir #TariqueRahman #PoliticalPrisoners #Dhaka #FreedomFighter #Journalist #UNHumanRights #SouthAsia #JusticeForKabir

FREE THE PRAIRIELAND NINE! 🏴✊🏿 #PoliticalPrisoners

#HRRC calls for the release of all Belarus’s 164 female #politicalprisoners. More in our latest #news brief.

www.humanrightsresearch.org/post/nasta-l...

#humanrights #Belarus #politicalfreedom #freespeech #freedomofexpression #activism #humanrightsdefenders

👋 Meet Hannah Van Dijcke (@hrf.org), speaker at our webinar on March 17th !

Sign up here 👉www.eventbrite.nl/e/justice-on-hold-umar-k... !

#ProlongedDetention #UmarKhalid #PoliticalPrisoners #StandForJustice

Meet Dr. Banojyotsna Lahiri, speaker at our webinar Justice on hold: Umar Khalid’s story of resistance.

Sign up here👉www.eventbrite.nl/e/justice-on-hold-umar-k... !

#ProlongedDetention #UmarKhalid #PoliticalPrisoners

#PoliticalPrisoners still held in #Venezuela
#09March2026
#LetJusticeBeDone
#HastaQueSalgaElUltimo

1 year ago, Nikolay Zonov was arrested in Russia. The chef faces charges for unauthorized abandonment of a military unit after leaving for Armenia. He was detained in Armenia.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmgoirajv0024l...

#OnThisDay #PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

Dzianis Ivashyn, political prisoner in Belarus

#OnThisDay, 5 years ago Dzianis Ivashyn was arrested in Belarus for journalism. Detained 3/12/21, he was sentenced to 13+ years for treason.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmkyeyq4000v1...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

🔗 US Designates Taliban-Run Afghanistan as State Sponsor of Wrongful Detention

READ MORE:
www.undergroundusa.com/i/190644222/...

LIKE, SHARE, FOLLOW, SUBSCRIBE

#News #Politics #Government #Afghanistan #Taliban #USStateDept #SponsorOfWrongfulDetention #PoliticalPrisoners

Dzmitryi Ivanchanka, political prisoner in Belarus

4 years ago, Dzmitryi Ivanchanka was arrested in Belarus. Detained 3/11/22, he's charged with harming national security, insulting an official & the President.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjnkup400j21...

#OnThisDay #PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

Aliaksandr Sharabaika, political prisoner in Belarus

#OnThisDay Aliaksandr Sharabaika was arrested in Belarus 3 years ago & sentenced to 6 years in prison. Detained 3/10/23 for other under Article 369 (insulting a government official).

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjnc4v000fg1...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

#OnThisDay Viachaslau Chulkou was arrested in Belarus 3 years ago for "other." Detained 3/10/2023, he was sentenced to compulsory mental treatment for insulting the President.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjnbvvp00fe1...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

Siarhei Zakharanka, political prisoner in Belarus

4 years ago #OnThisDay, Siarhei Zakharanka was arrested in Belarus & sentenced to 4.5 years for organizing actions violating public order & insulting a government official.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjnkvnn00j31...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights

Audzhi Eskender Selverovich, political prisoner in Russia

Audzhi Eskender Selverovich, Ukrainian citizen, sentenced to 3 years 6 months for participating in an armed formation.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjea7jd00001...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights #Russia

Bai Asan Sadrievich, political prisoner in Russia

Bai Asan Sadrievich, Ukrainian citizen, detained in Russia since Sept 2024 for allegedly participating in a foreign armed formation against Russian interests.

prisonerwatch.org/prisoners/cmmjea7lm00011...

#PoliticalPrisoners #HumanRights #Russia