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Azerbaijan’s Press Under Pressure: Personal Hardship and Legal Battles The media scene in Azerbaijan is seeing a troubling mix of personal tragedy and legal fights. Shamshad Agha and Mustafa Hajibeyli, two important people in the country’s media, are dealing with difficult situations that show the stress on voices that are critical of the government. Shamshad Agha’s Series of Grief Shamshad Agha, the editor of Arqument.az who is in prison, has had multiple sad family losses. His sister, Zamina Agayeva, died in Russia after fighting cancer. People plan to bring her back to Azerbaijan to bury her. Agha’s lawyers are asking the court to let him out temporarily so he can go to the funeral. This is the third major bad thing to happen to Agha’s family in less than half a year. Last October, his niece died from the same sickness. The court didn’t allow him to go to her funeral. In January, his mother died. The court let him out for three days then. Agha was arrested in 2025 as part of the Meydan TV case. He was first charged with smuggling. Then, the government charged him and 11 other people with seven more crimes. The reporters say they didn’t do anything wrong. They say they are being punished for their reporting. Mustafa Hajibeyli’s Housing Problem Mustafa Hajibeyli, who runs the Musavat Party’s press and basta.info, might lose his house. The Supreme Court decided that Yelo Bank wins in a mortgage disagreement. Hajibeyli says the court made this decision in secret, without telling him or his lawyer. The problem is about a loan from 2008. Hajibeyli says that he made all payments in Azerbaijani money. The Chamber of Auditors agrees. But the bank got the courts to say the debt was in U.S. dollars. The value of Azerbaijani money has dropped a lot since 2008. Because of this, the debt is now much bigger. Hajibeyli says he paid almost 60,000 manats on a loan of about 33,500 manats. But the court says he must sell his house to pay an extra $37,000. Hajibeyli is also upset because he says the court didn’t give him enough time to respond. He says the court told the bank about the decision before telling him.

Azerbaijan’s Press Under Pressure: Personal Hardship and Legal Battles #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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The King of Torture: Inside Javid Gulaliyev’s Rule A troubling situation has emerged from the Baku Investigative Detention Center (BIDC). Javid Ramiz oglu Gulaliyev, a top deputy chief, has become known as a symbol of abuse. People held in the jail say he acts like he believes he is the state. Gulaliyev’s quick rise in the Penitentiary Service seems to be due to Azerbaijan’s heavy use of nepotism. He is the nephew of Etibar Pirverdiyev, who has been in the Azerbaijani government for a long time. Gulaliyev grew up with wealth and influence. He was educated overseas and speaks many languages. He looks polished, but inmates say he is brutal. People say he seems like a mix of a Counter-Strike character and a normal office worker. He is often seen in military clothes with neat hair. He reportedly acts like he is shooting a gun, which shows he doesn’t care about the reality of the prison. Inside the jail, Gulaliyev is called the King of Torture. He seems to accept this title. He has said he is up to his neck in blood. He wasn’t talking about military duty, which he avoided like other rich kids. He meant the harm he causes to prisoners. The abuse methods described are awful. Inmates say they are handcuffed to iron bars in hallways for hours or hit with rubber sticks. Gulaliyev’s ego is said to be so sensitive that if a prisoner smokes near him or questions an order, his enforcers will become violent. The most recent accounts come from female journalists Aytac Tapdig, Khayala Agayeva, and Aysel Umudova. They were arrested as part of the Meydan TV case. They talk about a plan of physical and mental harm to stop their reporting and courtroom protests. The journalists said that during a recent surprise search led by Gulaliyev, male officers went into their cells while they were changing or using the bathroom. When the women protested these violations, they were treated badly. They said they were dragged from their cells with their arms twisted back. Gulaliyev shouted, I am the State Father, saying his power came from the highest levels. The reports of verbal and sexual abuse were sickening. During these events, Gulaliyev used sexual words and made bad comments about his seed being all over the place. This seemed to be a way to insult and shame the women. Gulaliyev claims to be a religious man who prays at the end of the day, but his actions suggest he thinks he is untouchable. He says he wants to shoot all journalists if he could. He sees them as enemies of the state he says he represents. This lawless environment is not just about one man. It is about a system that praises this behavior. The abuse will continue if stars on a uniform are earned by hurting helpless people. The journalists have asked for a quick look into the CCTV footage watched by the jail’s head, Elnur Ismayilov, and for the Ombudsman to step in. But in a system where the King of Torture feels safe because of his background, justice is not likely for those stuck in his jail.

The King of Torture: Inside Javid Gulaliyev’s Rule #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Silencing Voices: Journalist Ulviyya Ali Targeted with Harassment in Prison The crackdown on media that is not state-controlled in Azerbaijan has reached a worrying new level. It now involves using artificial intelligence and direct threats against the relatives of journalists who are already in jail. Ulviyya Ali (Guliyeva), a journalist now held in Baku Pre-trial Detention Center No. 1 because of her work with Meydan TV, says that prison officials have threatened her because of AI-generated content appearing on social media. The issue began when a support page for Ali shared AI-created audio clips that sounded like her voice. In these clips, the voice described the violence she has experienced in detention and the legal steps she has taken during her trial. While her supporters are using this technology to get around the silence of imprisonment, the detention center’s management is not happy. Ali’s family reports that the head of the detention center has met with her many times. He demanded that she remove the recordings. Even though the authorities know the voices are AI-generated, the warden said that other people do not understand this. He also accused Ali’s fiancé of making the videos. The pressure increased to a direct threat: Ali was told that if the recordings were not removed, her fiancé would be arrested and brought to the detention center. This harassment is not an isolated incident. Ali is one of 12 people arrested between December 2024 and August 2025 in relation to the Meydan TV investigation. They were first charged with smuggling as part of a conspiracy, but the charges were made even more serious in late 2025. This case fits within a wider pattern in Azerbaijan. Since late 2023, over 30 journalists and activists have been detained under similar smuggling claims, including important people from Abzas Media and Toplum TV. The environment inside the detention center is becoming harder for all journalists involved. Recently, other detainees in the Meydan TV case, including Aytac Tapdig, Aysel Umudova, and Khayala Aghayeva, began to protest the sudden cancellation of open meetings with their families. They were told that they would no longer be able to meet face-to-face. Instead, they would have to talk through glass partitions using telephones. The journalists have refused to participate in these restricted meetings, calling the change a form of psychological torture. They believe it is retaliation for what they said during court. Even after representatives from the Ombudsman’s Office visited to hear complaints of violence and pressure, the situation is still bad. The detained journalists say that they are innocent of all criminal charges. They believe that their imprisonment is a political move to punish them for exposing government corruption and misconduct. The Azerbaijani government says that no one is arrested for their job, but the coordinated pressure on journalists like Ulviyya Ali and the threats against their families suggest a deliberate effort to stop independent reporting.

Silencing Voices: Journalist Ulviyya Ali Targeted with Harassment in Prison #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Silencing Voices: New Threats Against Female Journalists Jailed in Azerbaijan The crackdown on independent media in Azerbaijan has gotten worse inside the Baku Investigative Detention Center. Family members say that women held regarding the Meydan TV case now face threats and isolation arranged by prison leaders. Dilruba Amanova, mom of journalist Aytac Tapdiq, spoke out about the treatment of her daughter and her colleagues, Khayala Agayeva and Aysel Umudova. Amanova says that Elnur Ismayilov, the head of the detention center, spoke to the women on February 26. He told them to be careful about what they say and write. He said that if they keep speaking out or talking to others from inside the prison, new criminal cases would be opened against them. Families and human rights advocates see this as an attempt to scare the detainees and control their legal cases. The pressure involves not just verbal threats, but also their prison conditions. The administration has reportedly made the women more isolated by putting refrigerators in their cells. This means they don’t need to go to common areas, cutting them off from contacting other detainees. Family visits have also been reduced. Even on scheduled visit days, families are told at the last minute, and meetings behind-the-glass have been mostly banned. Families can still drop off food, but they often can’t see or speak to their loved ones. This intimidation is part of a larger legal campaign against Meydan TV employees that began in late 2024. It started when journalists—including Ramin Deko, Aynur Ganbarova, and others—were arrested on smuggling charges. In August 2025, the charges were increased, expanding to seven different articles of the Criminal Code. The journalists say they are innocent, refusing the charges as politically motivated. From prison, they say that these arrests and pressure are meant to silence the remaining independent media and free speech in Azerbaijan. As the Meydan TV case gets bigger, the world is watching the safety and rights of those who reported the truth.

Silencing Voices: New Threats Against Female Journalists Jailed in Azerbaijan #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Fatima Movlamli writes: “Freedom – One Year Behind” Fatima Movlamli, a journalist detained under the “Meydan TV case,” has written a piece from the Baku Pre-trial Detention Center regarding the anniversary of her arrest. We present the text as follows: “The final days of February 2025. The second wave of arrests in the ‘Meydan TV case’ has just begun. My name is mentioned in articles circulated by government media (APA, Report, Baku TV, etc.) on orders, calling me a smuggler and a member of a criminal group. Everything is clear; it is my turn to be arrested. I remember my last days of freedom well: I worked with great effort, not only finishing today’s work but even doing tomorrow’s work today. ‘Time is short, prepare one more reportage’ – this was the sentence I repeated to myself most often during those days. Every report could be the last. Finally, on the morning of February 28, I reached the mental boundary of my freedom and was arrested. Events unfolded very quickly: masked agents surround you, handcuffs are placed on your wrists without any explanation, a staged search operation is organized, money is planted under your pillow, the trial is the next day, a ‘marionette’ in a robe carries out the order, and there you go—you are imprisoned… Remembering the day I was detained and the night I spent in the Temporary Detention Center, I recall these words of Nelson Mandela, who wrote about his own arrest: ‘At least tonight I would not have to worry about whether the police would find me. They had already found me.’ Indeed, it was exactly like that. I felt as if I had been released into freedom after being arrested. Because I had been living under tension for a long time, planning my daily life while factoring in the possibility of arrest. Today, one year has passed since that time. I have been held in the Baku Pre-trial Detention Center for the last year. I must say that from the very first day I arrived at the detention center, one thing became crystal clear to everyone here regarding me: I am spiritually free. Arrest and isolation do not seem like events terrible enough to ruin my mood. Many people in the detention center—both staff and prisoners—often ask me: why is your mood always so good? I don’t have the opportunity to ‘search’ on ‘Google’ now to clarify whether I have used this expression before or not, but the answer has always been the same: I chose this arrest and the deprivation that comes with it myself. When I was free and heard news of every subsequent journalist’s arrest, I was well aware that I was taking another step closer to the iron bars. In return, I became more devoted to my work and tried to produce the best results I could. It was my love and loyalty to my profession and my principles, which stand above everything else, that accelerated my arrest. I state with an open heart that I regret nothing and am not disappointed. So much so that today, as I complete my first year in prison, if someone were to say ‘here’s to many more such years,’ I would say ‘amen’ with a smiling face. My only wish is to be a part of the struggle for the liberation of the independent press from the yoke, to be able to contribute to it, and to deliver the truth to the people. If in return for this I had to be separated from my home, my family, and ultimately my freedom for a period, I agreed to that. Even after being arrested, my faith in a future—a good future—has not faded. I know that the darkness of the night is the herald of the dawn that follows. One simply needs to know that light exists behind the darkness, to believe in it, and to drive despair seven villages away. As said in a poem by Saadat Jahangir: “In these dry seasons Where the trees of freedom have not yet sprouted, Just because our lips are cracked Rainy clouds have not vanished, Nor has the sky sunk into the depths of the earth. The horizons are still blue, the moon is alive, The stars are perfectly sound And know that, from your hands bled in iron shackles, Stung by bitter thorns, In the name of humanity A country like a rose garden will be built.” Fatima Movlamli Baku Pre-trial Detention Center

Fatima Movlamli writes: “Freedom – One Year Behind” #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Civic Solidarity Platform Article: Multi-language Version Civic Solidarity Platform Speaks Out Against Increased Pressure on Emin and Mehman Huseynov The Civic Solidarity Platform (CSP) has formally condemned the increasing persecution of Azerbaijani human rights advocate Emin Huseynov and the death threats against his brother, journalist Mehman Huseynov. Emin Huseynov, a co-founder of the Institute for Reporters’ Freedom and Safety (IRFS), previously sought protection in Switzerland after facing serious trouble in Azerbaijan. From 2014 to 2015, he stayed in the Swiss embassy in Baku for ten months before being taken to Switzerland on a government plane after high-level talks. Though he was granted refugee status after being stripped of his citizenship by the President of Azerbaijan, he now faces new threats even in Switzerland. From Geneva, Emin Huseynov has continued his advocacy efforts. He secured consultative status for the IRFS with the Council of Europe and the UN Economic and Social Council. He regularly works with United Nations human rights groups, monitoring bodies of the Council of Europe, and the OSCE. He has become a known international voice, documenting oppression and helping persecuted activists in the South Caucasus, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia. His work was key to the 2019 European Parliament resolution that led to the release of over 50 political prisoners. Along with his advocacy, Huseynov has continued his investigative journalism through his YouTube channel, OBYEKTIV TV, where he reports on corruption within the Azerbaijani government. The current situation started after Huseynov questioned President Ilham Aliyev at the Munich Security Conference in February 2026 about the repression of independent media. The President avoided the questions and denied that independent media existed. Then, Vice President Mehriban Aliyeva publicly mocked Huseynov about his past escape from Baku and wished him good health, which many saw as a hidden threat. This led to a smear campaign in Azerbaijan, portraying Huseynov as a foreign spy and Switzerland as an enemy. Pro-government journalists even called to restore the dignity of the leadership, which is a phrase that suggests retaliation in Azerbaijani politics. In late February 2026, Huseynov reported threats in Geneva. After a livestreamed event, he was followed by armed men and then survived what seemed to be an attempted kidnapping near the United Nations Office. He escaped only when he went to UN security, and a police car happened to drive by, scaring away the people in a suspicious van. After these incidents, there were reports of constant surveillance and online harassment. Online messages mentioned his 2015 evacuation, saying that Switzerland would not be able to save him again. This intimidation is part of a larger pattern of targeting Azerbaijani dissidents in various OSCE countries, including the fatal stabbing of Vidadi Iskanderli in France in 2024. The Civic Solidarity Platform is now calling on international organizations to act. They are asking Swiss authorities to conduct a risk assessment, provide protection for Huseynov, and investigate the surveillance. The CSP is also calling on European Union institutions, the Council of Europe, and the OSCE to publicly condemn these acts and raise the cases of the Huseynov brothers in all talks with Azerbaijan. They stress that the United Nations must ensure the safety of human rights defenders who work with its groups and demand that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights ask the Azerbaijani government for answers. The CSP believes that protecting human rights defenders is an international responsibility that requires action to prevent the spread of cross-border repression.

Civic Solidarity Platform Article: Multi-language Version #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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People Who Attacked Emin Huseynov Exposed At places like the Munich Security Conference, leaders act polite, but there’s often hidden intimidation. The government of Azerbaijan sees these meetings as places to threaten people using coded language, like a mafia. The incident with human rights advocate Emin Huseynov and Azerbaijani leaders Ilham Aliyev and Mehriban Aliyeva shows how diplomacy can be twisted into something criminal. Huseynov questioned the leaders about human rights issues. Mehriban Aliyeva responded by calling him a coward who hid in women’s clothes to leave the country. She then wished him good health. This might seem nice, but it was actually a coded reminder that his safety depended on the Aliyev family. This threat in Munich led to a real physical threat later in Geneva. Geneva, home to the UN and many human rights groups, is risky for government hit squads. Doing an operation there is a clear challenge to international law. On February 18, 2024, around 7:00 PM, the threats from Munich turned into a surveillance operation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG). Emin Huseynov saw two people with hoods acting suspiciously. He reacted quickly, turning a possible attack into a display of government clumsiness. Even though he was carrying a heavy bag, Huseynov moved where cameras could see him. When the suspects came back and used their phones, Huseynov started a live video and chased them, filming their faces. The suspects, now visible, ran away. Huseynov turned the tables, and the mission failed. In today’s world, sharing information can protect you. By broadcasting the event, Huseynov made sure that any attack on him would be seen by everyone, making the political cost too high for the government. Finding out who is in charge of these operations is important for accountability. Reports from journalists Qanimat Zahid and Afgan Mukhtarli show that over $4 million has been set aside to watch and kill Azerbaijani bloggers and activists living abroad. The security team in charge is led by: * Ali Naghiyev: Head of the State Security Service (DTX), who watches people in Azerbaijan and organizes hit squads abroad. * Orkhan Sultanov: Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, who handles the logistics of operations in Europe. * Ceyhun Shadlinski: A high-level security official involved in planning attacks on dissidents. The government likes to use criminals from Georgia, Serbia, and Azerbaijan. This way, the Aliyev government can deny involvement and say the killings are just criminal disputes. But these criminals are seen as disposable. About seven or eight years ago, after a failed operation in Berlin/Maldives, the government killed its own agents to stop them from talking to European police. The agents in Geneva might now be targets themselves because their mission failed. The Geneva incident shows a change in how dissidents are fighting back. Huseynov confronted the agents instead of hiding, proving that the coward was not him, but the government agents who ran from the camera. This approach puts pressure on the government and shows the weakness of its surveillance. The operation in Geneva puts a legal and moral responsibility on Switzerland. Switzerland has held foreign criminals accountable before, like Hannibal Gaddafi. The dissident movement wants the same action taken against the Aliyev government. Emin and Mehman Huseynov have made clear what they want for international justice: * International search warrants for Ali Naghiyev, Orkhan Sultanov, and the operation planners. * Freezing the Aliyev family’s assets in Europe and restricting their travel. * Using the OSCE and UN to call Azerbaijan’s actions state-sponsored terrorism.

People Who Attacked Emin Huseynov Exposed #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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The Munich Face-off: Emin Huseynov Confronts Ilham Aliyev Amidst Tight Control The Munich Security Conference (February 13–15) usually hosts important talks on global strategy. But the 2026 meeting saw a tense face-off between Azerbaijan’s leaders and a journalist in exile. The Aliyev government treated the conference as a carefully planned PR event. To control the message, they flew in a group of friendly journalists from outlets like AZTV, Real TV, and Public TV. This was a move to create a positive image of President Ilham Aliyev in a Western setting. This plan met a challenge in the form of Emin Huseynov, an independent journalist who heads the Institute for the Freedom and Safety of Journalists (IRFS). Huseynov, who lives in Switzerland, had accreditation that gave him access to the President. This access is something the Azerbaijani government usually prevents. The situation tested the regime’s tolerance. While state-approved reporters had easy access to create staged photo ops, Huseynov’s attempts to speak with the leadership were blocked through physical and tactical means to shield the President from outside questioning. Security perimeters are meant for physical safety in global diplomacy. In Munich, however, the Azerbaijani security team used these measures to censor. The perimeter became a moving barrier, not to protect the President from physical harm, but to quiet a critical voice whose questions threatened the government’s carefully crafted image. The actions against Huseynov involved pushing him back and blocking his view. Security officers, including one identified as Ceyhun, physically stopped the journalist from approaching the President. In another move, they used a large umbrella as a visual and physical block. This umbrella trick kept Huseynov from seeing and filming the President, shielding him from the journalist’s presence. It is worth noting that the security team acted with more restraint than they typically do in Baku, likely because of the Western cameras and the standards of the conference venue. Even with this coordination, the incident showed internal issues and a lack of competence within the Azerbaijani government. When these internal barriers broke down, Huseynov managed to get past the security and directly confront the President. This led to a brief but revealing exchange that exposed the real views of the Azerbaijani leadership. It was more than just a dismissive comment; it was an over-the-top reaction that exposed the limits of the regime’s carefully constructed international image. When Huseynov asked Aliyev about the crackdown on political opponents and the suppression of the press in Azerbaijan, the President responded by saying that “There is no independent media in the world.” This statement was a strategic whataboutism designed to weaken the idea of global journalism. By saying that no press is truly free, Aliyev tried to suggest that democratic systems are no different from his own authoritarian one. He used this argument to justify limiting the media in his country. If no press is truly free, then jailing journalists in Baku is just a local version of a global trend, and not a rights violation. It was a rare moment where Aliyev’s true thinking—that the press is just a tool of the state—was exposed to an international audience. The situation worsened on February 15 during an exchange between Huseynov and Vice President Mehriban Aliyeva. This was a serious breach of diplomatic rules, shifting from political disagreement to personal attacks. When questioned about Azerbaijan’s political climate, the Vice President asked for Huseynov’s name. Realizing who he was, Aliyeva stopped discussing politics and instead insulted him. She claimed that he hid in the Swiss Embassy in Baku dressed as a woman when he fled Azerbaijan in 2014. This unusual loss of composure by the Vice President was not spontaneous. It was a response to an investigation by Emin’s brother, the blogger Mehman Huseynov. Mehman had recently looked into the Aliyev family’s private affairs, questioning the citizenship and voting status of Alyona Aliyeva, the President’s daughter-in-law. To be accurate, the Vice President’s claims need to be considered alongside the facts of the 2014 crackdown. The events in Munich highlight a key conflict: the Azerbaijani government tried to use a Western democratic event to improve its image, but instead revealed its intolerance of dissent to the world. The government’s plan to bring a friendly press corps backfired. Their presence created the very press scrum that allowed Huseynov to force an unplanned interaction. The effort to discredit Huseynov did not end in Munich. After the conference, state-backed media outlets, especially Qafqazinfo, began a digital attack on his character using AI-created images. These fake photos, showing Huseynov in a dress, represent a second layer of government control, where physical blocking is followed by online attacks. In the end, the Munich incident shows a clear reality for Azerbaijani civil society. While the Aliyev government wants the prestige of global diplomatic events, it cannot accept the basic principles of those events—especially the accountability that comes from a free press. For Azerbaijani journalists in exile, the government’s security measures remain a constant threat, whether in Baku or at international summits.

The Munich Face-off: Emin Huseynov Confronts Ilham Aliyev Amidst Tight Control #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Aliyeva Insults Independent Azerbaijani Journalist After Being Heckled in Germany The Munich Paradox: Diplomacy and the Personal Attack The Munich Security Conference (MSC) is known as a place where global leaders meet to talk about world stability. But between February 13 and 15, 2026, the conference showed something different: how a government can try to destroy someone’s reputation. While world leaders talked about serious problems, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Vice President Mehriban Aliyeva were bothered by issues they were trying to hide at home. It’s ironic that they attended a conference about international security while limiting the freedom and safety of their own journalists. This happened in a European country and showed that the regime is worried about its power. The conflict over Azerbaijan’s future moved from the streets of Baku to a confrontation between the Aliyevs and exiled journalist Emin Huseynov. The Confrontation: Silence, Security, and Scorn In a healthy country, journalists should be able to question leaders. In Munich, Azerbaijan failed this test badly. On February 14, Emin Huseynov, who had to leave Azerbaijan because of the regime’s actions, tried to ask President Ilham Aliyev a question. Instead of a normal discussion, the President’s security team stopped journalists and pushed Huseynov away so only government supporters could get close. When Huseynov asked about the crackdown on people who disagree with the government, Aliyev said that there is no independent media in the world. The next day, the situation got worse, and it became a personal attack. When Huseynov asked Vice President Mehriban Aliyeva about the political situation in Azerbaijan on February 15, she reacted with anger. First, she acted like she didn’t know him, asking, Who are you? Then, when he said who he was, she insulted him, saying he was the man who hid in the Swiss Embassy dressed as a woman. She ended by saying, I wish you good health. This wasn’t just an emotional reaction; it was a plan to avoid responsibility by using a false story from the past. Taking Apart the Woman in a Dress Story Governments that don’t allow dissent often try to ruin the reputation of their critics. By using the woman in a dress story, the Vice President showed the regime’s outdated views about gender, using clothing to shame someone and revealing the state’s hidden prejudice. However, the truth about Huseynov’s escape from being kidnapped in 2014 is a story of survival, not a scandal. The 2014 State Raid: In August 2014, police in Azerbaijan raided the Institute for the Freedom and Safety of Journalists (IRFS), which Huseynov led. The organization had become a problem for the ruling family. The Failed US Asylum: Huseynov first tried to get help from the US Embassy but was turned away, so he had to find another way to escape. The Actual Disguise: To get past the police in Baku on August 18, 2014, Huseynov didn’t wear a dress. He dyed his hair and beard, wore colored contact lenses, and spoke only English to pretend to be Swiss. The Diplomatic Resolution: He stayed at the Swiss Embassy for 10 months until an agreement was made between Switzerland and Azerbaijan, allowing him to move to Geneva. Since then, the regime has used its media, like Qafqazinfo, to share fake AI-generated photos of Huseynov in a dress. They are using these fake images to hide real corruption, which is common for the Aliyev-Pashayev family, and to distract people from the important investigations being done by the Huseynov family. The Alena Connection: The Strategic So What? The Vice President’s anger in Munich wasn’t because of something that happened years ago. It was caused by current worries about the family’s power. The anger was meant to protect them from the investigations of Mehman Huseynov (Emin’s brother), whose reporting has exposed the ruling family’s secrets. By revealing the illegal activities of Alena Aliyeva, the President’s daughter-in-law, Mehman has questioned the legitimacy of the next generation of the dynasty. The specific issues in the Alena Aliyeva investigation include: Citizenship and Residency Fraud: Alena voted in the September 2024 elections, but Azerbaijani law says you must live in the country for five years to be a citizen. Since she married Heydar Aliyev Jr. in late 2022, she couldn’t legally vote. Foreign Financial Footprint: Investigators found bank records showing that Alena made financial transfers as a Ukrainian citizen, which goes against the claim that she is an Azerbaijani citizen. The Deserter Context: The investigation also angered the Vice President because it claimed that her son, Heydar Aliyev Jr., avoided military service, which is expected of other Azerbaijani citizens. The insult in Munich backfired. By trying to shame the Huseynovs, the Vice President actually brought attention to their work, exposing the corruption she wanted to hide. It was a conflict between two forces: the Aliyev-Pashayev family’s power and the Huseynov brothers’ fight for transparency. Beyond the Insult: The State of Independent Truth The incident in Munich shows that the government believes that independent media is impossible. This regime sees a microphone as a weapon and a question as an act of treason. The actions of officials in Munich show the state’s war on truth: Total Denial: Ilham Aliyev claims that independent media doesn’t exist, which he uses to justify stopping any opposing voices in the country. Character Assassination: Mehriban Aliyeva uses fake stories to discredit the people asking questions when the truth is too dangerous to admit. Professional Gatekeeping: Presidential Aide Hikmet Hajiyev acts as the last line of defense, telling Huseynov, I do not consider you independent media. You should be ashamed. Conclusion: The Price of a Question The Munich incident in 2026 is more than just a personal fight; it shows how weak the Aliyev regime is. When a government uses fake images, stops journalists on foreign soil, and makes personal insults at an international conference, it has already lost the argument. The Huseynov brothers’ strength shows that the truth can’t be bought, even with a country’s wealth.

Aliyeva Insults Independent Azerbaijani Journalist After Being Heckled in Germany #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Silenced Voices: The Danger Facing Female Journalists in Azerbaijan Amid Azerbaijan’s increasing crackdown on civil society, a worrying trend of violence and intimidation against women journalists is taking shape. Families of those held in the AbzasMedia and Meydan TV affairs are raising concerns about accounts of physical abuse and sexual harassment in the country’s prisons, especially at the Lankaran Penitentiary Complex. The transfer of well-known journalists Sevinc Vaqifqızı, Nargiz Absalamova, and Elnara Qasımova from Baku to the Lankaran Penitentiary Complex has caused a lot of worry. Their parents say the facility’s leaders have created an atmosphere of fear. According to Ofeliya Maharramova, mother of Sevinc Vaqifqızı, there are stories of prisoners being dragged by their hair and hit in the warden’s office. The journalists themselves have written about these conditions, noting that violence is often used for small rule breaking or just to shame prisoners. The AbzasMedia staff haven’t yet reported direct physical attacks on themselves, but their families think the lack of accountability means they are always in danger. Also, administrative issues like not being able to make video calls and limited contact with lawyers are used to cut these women off from their support. The situation is even worse for journalists involved in the Meydan TV investigation. International human rights groups, including Amnesty International and the ECPMF, have pointed out the terrible stories of Aysel Umudova and Ulviyya (Ali) Guliyeva. Letters secretly sent from detention centers tell of a frightening experience. Umudova said she was touched and sexually harassed by police officers when she was moved to Baku—an experience that has left her with long-lasting mental issues. Guliyeva also said she was threatened with rape and beatings to force her to give up her electronic device passwords. These stories suggest that sexual and gender-based violence has become a common way to silence and punish independent female voices in Azerbaijan. The legal process used to detain these journalists is very predictable. Most are charged with smuggling or illegal business—charges that independent observers and international organizations say are made up and politically driven. By giving these women long prison sentences—some up to nine years—the Azerbaijani government is getting rid of the country’s remaining independent media. The Council of Europe and other international partners have been asked to step in, saying that the Istanbul Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights are being broken. The fact that there are no independent investigations into these claims of torture and harassment just makes it seem like the legal system is being used as a political tool. For the families of these journalists, the issue is both political and very personal. They say the government isn’t giving them any information, and their appeals to the Ombudsman and other oversight groups are often ignored. Though human rights advocates around the world are speaking out, these women face confinement and the constant danger of violence every day. As the Meydan TV and AbzasMedia trials go on, the international community has an important question to answer: how can we hold a government responsible when journalism is seen as a crime? Right now, the voices of Azerbaijan’s most courageous reporters are trapped behind prison walls, and their safety depends on a system that seems determined to break them.

Silenced Voices: The Danger Facing Female Journalists in Azerbaijan #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Daughter of Jailed NGO Leader Speaks Out: Our Silent Struggle Meets Only Silence Aysu Ahmadova, whose father Asaf Ahmadov leads the Ganja Regional Community Center, has spoken out after his arrest in the NGO case. In a message on social media, Aysu explained that she prefers to keep personal stuff private, but now she just can’t stay quiet. “I’m not one to share my personal life,” Aysu wrote. “But I can’t be quiet anymore.” Aysu shared that her mother is now in the hospital, battling cluster headaches, a long-term brain condition. According to Aysu, this health issue came on suddenly, turning their lives upside down. “My mom’s in the hospital,” she wrote. “She’s been diagnosed with cluster headaches. It hit us hard recently, and things haven’t been the same. We’ve learned this is something she’ll deal with forever, and each attack hurts her more.” Aysu said her mother’s condition gets really bad during these attacks, hitting her memory and everyday tasks. “When these attacks happen, my mom can’t talk, walk, eat, or even drink. It messes with her head and body. She forgets names, struggles with words, and can barely walk straight.” Aysu also talked about the emotional impact on her family, watching her mother in pain. She thinks her mother’s condition is from months of worry and stress. “While the pain steals her voice and movement, I’m just trying to be there for her. This didn’t come out of nowhere; it’s been building up for months.” She added that with her father in jail, she’s carrying the whole family. “I have a father, but he can’t be here. My mom’s illness, combined with my father’s absence, means everything falls on me.” Aysu says she’s responsible for her younger sister, her father’s needs in jail, the hospital, and everything else at home. “I’m looking after my little sister, making sure my dad’s okay in jail, dealing with the hospital, and running the house. On top of that, I’m trying to keep up with my studies.” Aysu writes that during the trial, she and her mother were struggling with stress and staying strong. Now she feels alone. “My mother and I were worn down trying to stay strong, but at least we had each other in the past. Now, trying to do it all, I’m fighting this battle by myself.” Aysu has lost hope of any aid. “We have no hope from human rights, family and women’s groups. They are responding us with silence.” Asaf Ahmadov is one of a number of people caught up in the NGO case. Around 15 people from civil society have been arrested as part of this. Currently, Bashir Suleymanli, Mammad Alpay, Asaf Ahmadov, Zamin Zaki, and Ahmad Mammadzade are in jail. Subhan Hasanli and Aytaj Agazade are wanted, but police can’t find them because they are out of the country. Alternative measures have been selected for the other individuals. Those accused say the charges are baseless and politically motivated.

Daughter of Jailed NGO Leader Speaks Out: Our Silent Struggle Meets Only Silence #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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The Return of Armenian Prisoners: Humanism, or…? Aynur Elgunesh, the imprisoned editor-in-chief of Meydan TV, writes from prison: Azerbaijan has handed over 4 Armenian prisoners to Armenia. Among them, the most famous in Azerbaijan was Vagif Cherkezi Khachaturyan. He was found guilty under two articles of the Criminal Code—genocide and the deportation or forced displacement of the population. He was sentenced to 15 years of imprisonment under these articles. Witnesses testifying at Khachaturyan’s trial said that he and his group burned people alive. It was also reported that people were taken hostage. For this reason, the release of Armenian prisoners to their own country has caused dissatisfaction among many, especially the segment that has wholeheartedly supported Ilham Aliyev’s calls for war and revenge for years. I am not even mentioning the state of mind of those who testified in those trials. There are even those who condemn this step while there are about 400 political prisoners in the country. First of all, let me say that my attitude towards the return of Armenian prisoners to Armenia is positive. As a pacifist, I applaud steps taken towards peacebuilding, stability, and the deepening of relations. I believe that both nations have suffered enough from the war, and to rebuild neighborly relations, it is necessary to bury the tragedies experienced into the pages of history and stay away from the feeling of revenge. This is important at least so that future generations and young people do not die. As for the Azerbaijani government evaluating this as a humanitarian step, I do not hold this opinion; I disagree. This step was taken after Ilham Aliyev’s meeting with representatives of the US Congress, and the goal is purely to fulfill the wishes of the US—especially Trump, whose actions are currently shocking the world. This also serves to prevent sanctions and resolutions planned by other international organizations regarding Azerbaijan. Naturally, the result is very important, but the motive cannot be ignored. The fact that European and US institutions approach it more from this context also causes the Azerbaijani government to view human rights through a prism that serves its own interests. As for the other political prisoners, they are individuals whom Ilham Aliyev considers personal enemies. These individuals—that is, we—are being punished because we are not obedient citizens acting according to the will of the government. Here, it is not our conviction or civic stance that plays a role, but specifically our attitude toward the government. For example, Meydan TV employees have never supported Ilham Aliyev’s war policy. They were proponents of peace both then and now. At the same time, the majority of the arrested politicians are those who supported Ilham Aliyev’s war calls, were by his side at that time, and even participated in the war. Therefore, it is not our public position, but our relationship with Ilham Aliyev’s government that plays a role in our imprisonment. In short, a personal enemy is considered more dangerous than a common enemy. Although I am not naive enough to hope for this, I believe that international institutions, especially the US, should approach issues related to Azerbaijan fully within the framework of human rights. Creating sincere relations with a country where there is no diversity or freedom of expression is, at the very least, contrary to the values of the institutions that challenge the world. Furthermore, a government that does not respect its own citizens’ opinions and disregards them cannot be humanitarian. Humanism either exists or it doesn’t; it should not change according to individuals or relationships. Aynur Elgunesh

The Return of Armenian Prisoners: Humanism, or…? #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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CPJ Condemns Azerbaijani Authorities’ Harassment of Journalists in Exile The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has called on Azerbaijani authorities to stop harassing journalists in exile after a court on January 14 sentenced U.S.-based journalist Sevinc Osmangizi to eight years in prison in absentia on charges of inciting mass riots and attempting to overthrow the state. This decision, as noted in the CPJ statement, follows a seven-year prison sentence handed down on December 23, 2025, by an Azerbaijani court to France-based journalist Ganimat Zahid on charges of calling for the state’s overthrow. Both Azerbaijani journalists, who have received political asylum in their countries of residence, told CPJ that they deny the charges and view them as retaliation for their journalistic work. “Having crushed independent journalism within the country through mass arrests and sham trials, Azerbaijani authorities are now seeking to intimidate leading expatriate journalists into silence,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Azerbaijan must stop this egregious transnational repression. European states and the U.S. must ensure full protection for expatriate journalists persecuted by Azerbaijan,” she added. The journalists convicted in absentia informed CPJ that the only information they received regarding the charges against them came from brief reports in the Azerbaijani mass media. Osmangizi called the “charges completely fabricated.” “This is what they use against critics both at home and abroad,” she said. Osmangizi, a former BBC correspondent, fled Azerbaijan in 2012 under government pressure due to her work at the now-defunct ANS television station. Since 2019, she has run the YouTube channel Osmanqizi TV, which has over 400,000 subscribers and is one of the most popular resources in Azerbaijan for current events analysis, the CPJ statement said. In 2019, CPJ reported on how pro-government media threatened to publish intimate photos of Osmangizi if she did not cease her activities. In 2024, a prominent member of the Azerbaijani parliament called her a “legitimate target” for “neutralization by any means,” the CPJ statement emphasized. “These decisions are the result of unprecedented crackdowns on civil society and independent media in Azerbaijan that began in late 2023, leaving at least 26 journalists and media workers currently behind bars. Over the past year, Azerbaijan has brought serious criminal charges in absentia against dozens of government critics living in exile,” the CPJ statement points out.

CPJ Condemns Azerbaijani Authorities’ Harassment of Journalists in Exile #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Bravery Behind Bars: Sevinj Vaqifqizi Receives International Award Sevinj Vaqifqizi, the jailed editor of the Azerbaijan news source AbzasMedia, will receive the 2025 Anna Politkovskaya–Arman Soldin Award for Courage in Journalism. The award, announced at the Lille Higher School of Journalism in France, recognizes her loyalty to the truth in a country where a free press is hard to maintain. The award is named for Anna Politkovskaya and Arman Soldin, who lost their lives for reporting. Politkovskaya, a Russian reporter, was killed in 2006 for her stories on corruption and the Chechen war. Soldin, a reporter for AFP, was killed in 2023 while covering the Russian invasion of Ukraine. By honoring Vaqifqizi, the world shows the importance of reporters who continue their work in conflict areas and authoritarian regimes. This isn’t the first time Vaqifqizi’s courage has been noted. She also received the Press Freedom Award for Courage from Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and was named an Anti-Corruption Champion by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Gunel Safarova, the acting director of AbzasMedia, said that these awards are proof of the voices that the government has tried to silence in a country where over 30 reporters have been penalized for their work. Vaqifqizi’s situation has been risky. She was arrested in November 2023 as part of the AbzasMedia case and sentenced in June 2025 to nine years in jail on charges of smuggling and financial crimes. Her colleagues, including director Ulvi Hasanli and several reporters, received sentences of seven to nine years. The Azerbaijani government says these arrests are based on criminal acts, but human rights groups and the reporters believe the charges are retaliation for their investigations into government corruption. Even in jail, Vaqifqizi is a symbol of strength. She said that while governments may fear the power of words, the truth lives on through the work of others who continue independent journalism. RSF calls her a symbol of dignity and hope, which shows the global support for people who stand up to injustice. Activists recently at the COP30 conference in Brazil called for the release of Vaqifqizi and her colleagues, reminding everyone that courage in journalism is key to a free society.

Bravery Behind Bars: Sevinj Vaqifqizi Receives International Award #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Azerbaijan Sentences Exiled Critics to Jail The Baku Grave Crimes Court recently finished the cases against some Azerbaijani journalists and activists who live outside the country. On January 14, Judge Nigar Imanova said that Sevinc Osmanqizi (Mirzayeva), Abid Gafarov, and Beydulla Manafov would each get eight years in prison. They were not in court for the decision. What They’re Saying The case is about what they did on YouTube channels called Osmanqizi TV and AzerFreedom TV. The government said that between 2019 and 2024, they used these channels to try to make people go against the government. The court said that the three people were working together to ask people to start riots, use violence, and take over the government. They were charged with Articles 220.2 (starting riots) and 281.2 (speaking out against the state) of the Azerbaijani Criminal Code. More Legal Trouble This isn’t the first time this has happened. On December 23, the same court gave Ganimat Zahid, who used to run the Azadliq newspaper and now lives in another country, seven years in prison for similar things. The Prosecutor General’s Office also called in historian Altay Goyushov and political analyst Arastun Oruclu, who both live abroad, and they might also face legal problems. The People Charged Speak Out The people charged say they didn’t do anything wrong and that the government is just trying to stop them from speaking freely. Sevinc Osmanqizi, who now lives in the United States, said that the charges are because the government is afraid of words and compared it to times in the past when people were kept down. Arastun Oruclu said that he never asked anyone to start a fight and that he has always been against that kind of thing. Many of the people charged said that the sentences are meant to scare people who live outside the country and to stop them from reporting what’s really going on. International Worries Human rights groups are worried about what’s happening. Human Rights Watch (HRW) said that the Azerbaijani government should stop trying to keep critics quiet, both in Azerbaijan and in other countries. Giorgi Gogia from HRW said that these cases show that the government is using the courts to stop people disagreement. Azerbaijani officials said that the courts are independent and that the decisions are based on real security problems. but more and more people who live in other countries are getting long prison sentences, like bloggers Tural Sadigli and Gurban Mammadov, which shows that the government and its critics who live abroad are getting further apart. Even though these journalists and activists are not in Azerbaijan, the sentences show that there are risks for people who challenge the government from other countries.

Azerbaijan Sentences Exiled Critics to Jail #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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The Toplum TV Trial: Health Scare and Evidence Issues Things got pretty serious at the Toplum TV case hearing on January 12. Judge Azer Taghiyev led the session at the Baku Grave Crimes Court, but a defendant’s poor health and questions about the evidence stole the show. The big issue was still those investigation papers that said a ton of money turned up at Toplum TV and the homes of the people arrested. The defense team is saying it’s all fake. They claim the cops put the money there to frame them. Ilkin Amrahov, who works at the Institute for Democratic Initiatives, told a scary story about the search at his place. He said the cops tried to force him to handle the money and even said they’d arrest his grandpa if he didn’t. Other defendants backed him up, saying they never even touched the money the state says they found. Journalist Farid Ismayilov brought up that Presidential Assistant Hikmet Hajiyev had publicly accused them of smuggling before. So, Ismayilov thinks Hajiyev should come to court and explain who he thinks was smuggling, and how much money was involved. What was scary was when Alesger Mammedli, a media expert and Toplum TV co-founder, said he wasn’t doing well health-wise. He said the court ordered him to get check-ups, but he hasn’t had one in a week. By the end of the session, he was in such bad shape they had to call for medical help right then and there. This whole Toplum TV thing started with arrests back in March 2024. Now, ten people are involved. At first, they were charged with smuggling, but now the charges are worse. The defendants are saying it’s all a political attack and deny everything. The trial starts up again on January 19. Everyone’s watching to see what happens and hoping those in jail are okay.

The Toplum TV Trial: Health Scare and Evidence Issues #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Grave Human Rights Abuses Against Azerbaijani Journalist Mehman Huseynov This document aims to present proof of state persecution against Mehman Huseynov, an Azerbaijani journalist critical of the government. The government has engaged in surveillance, blackmailed his family, and issued death threats to silence him. Mr. Huseynov’s testimony suggests involvement by the State Security Service and the Presidential Administration. International organizations should demand an investigation and hold Azerbaijani officials responsible. State Persecution These recent actions are part of a long-term campaign to punish Mr. Huseynov. For over ten years, authorities have tried to stop his work: He was jailed for two years. Authorities opened a second case against him while he was in jail. He was banned from leaving the country for seven years. He was denied an identity card for a long time. These actions failed to silence him, leading to more covert tactics targeting his family. Intimidation Campaign The intimidation grew as Mr. Huseynov became a voice against the media crackdown. It began with surveillance and included the psychological torture of his family, and threats to his life and his deceased mother’s grave. After his release from prison in 2019, agents put a hidden camera in Mr. Huseynov’s bedroom. This lasted for five years, violating his and his family’s privacy. The material was planned to be released when he was jailed again, to ruin him. Months ago, the campaign got worse. State agents abducted his father and brother, blindfolded them, and took them to a secret place. They were forced to watch videos from his bedroom and told Mr. Huseynov must stop his work. When Mr. Huseynov refused, the threats increased: They threatened to damage his mother’s grave. Mr. Huseynov mentioned past rape threats since 2010. He received death threats and disinformation was spread online. This is a state-sponsored campaign to silence dissent. State Complicity Mr. Huseynov’s evidence suggests high-level involvement, not rogue agents. Mr. Huseynov’s brother reported the abduction and blackmail to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but was refused. A Presidential Aide, Fuad Alasgarov, appeared to endorse the blackmail. Mr. Huseynov says the State Security Service is behind the blackmail, which they have used against journalists, activists, and politicians since 2010. He believes that the head of the DTX, Ali Naghiyev, would have required President Ilham Aliyev’s approval for the operation. Violations of International Law These actions violate Azerbaijan’s commitments under international treaties. His private bedroom was monitored for five years, a violation of privacy (ICCPR Article 17, ECHR Article 8). The campaign is an attack on freedom of speech (ICCPR Article 19, ECHR Article 10). The abduction of Mr. Huseynov’s family the threats are cruel treatment (ICCPR Article 7, ECHR Article 3). The refusal to investigate the crime denies Mr. Huseynov legal protection (ICCPR Article 2, ECHR Article 13). Conclusion Mehman Huseynov’s case exemplifies Azerbaijan’s state policy of using illegal methods to silence critics. His public disclosure is to stop the cycle of fear against victims of blackmail. We call on the international community to: Urge human rights groups to condemn these actions and start an investigation. Call upon governmental bodies to put pressure on Azerbaijan to stop harassing journalists and activists. Suggest sanctions against those responsible, including Ali Naghiyev, Vilayat Eyvazov, and Fuad Alasgarov, pending an investigation. Demand that Azerbaijan ensure the safety of journalists and rights defenders.

Grave Human Rights Abuses Against Azerbaijani Journalist Mehman Huseynov #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Toplum TV Case: Defense Demands High-Level Testimony and Judicial Recusal The ongoing legal proceedings in the “Toplum TV case” took a significant turn during the latest hearing at the Baku Grave Crimes Court on December 29. Presided over by Judge Azer Taghiyev, the session focused on the testimony of witnesses currently outside the country and several high-stakes motions from the defendants, highlighting the deepening tensions between the independent media outlet and the state. One of the key testimonies came from journalist Nigar Mubariz, who joined the session online from abroad. She detailed her history with the Institute for Democratic Initiatives and Toplum TV, expressing gratitude to her mentors, Alesker Mammadli and Akif Gurbanov, for providing free journalism training. Mubariz recounted a troubling period starting in May 2024 when she was unexpectedly barred from leaving the country at the airport despite holding a valid US visa. It was only after multiple rounds of questioning—where investigators initially focused on her personal life rather than her professional activities—that the travel ban was lifted once authorities confirmed she was not an active correspondent for Toplum TV. The courtroom atmosphere grew more charged as the defendants challenged the impartiality of the process. Ruslan Izzatli, a founding member of the III Republic Platform, filed a motion requesting the court to summon Hikmet Hajiyev, Assistant to the President of Azerbaijan. Izzatli argued that Hajiyev’s public statements during COP29, where he characterized the activities of the Toplum TV detainees as anti-state, made his testimony essential to the case. However, the court chose to leave this motion unaddressed. Following this, defendant Farid Ismayilov moved for the removal of Judge Azer Taghiyev from the case, though this request was promptly denied. A central point of contention involved the legal classification of the charges. Media expert and Toplum TV co-founder Alesker Mammadli challenged the state prosecutor’s justification for denying his house arrest. The prosecutor had claimed that Mammadli, accused of a “particularly grave crime,” posed a risk of re-offending. Mammadli pointed out that the charges against him do not fall under the legal definition of “particularly grave” in the Criminal Code, labeling the prosecutor’s statement a violation of the presumption of innocence and a form of slander. While the judge dismissed the discrepancy as a mere “technical error,” Mammadli announced his intention to file a separate lawsuit against the prosecutor for defamation. The “Toplum TV case,” which began with a wave of arrests in March 2024, now involves ten individuals facing serious charges. While the initial accusations focused on smuggling, the charges were later upgraded to more severe offenses. The defendants, including prominent figures like Akif Gurbanov and various staff members of the Institute for Democratic Initiatives, consistently deny all allegations, maintaining that the case is a politically motivated attempt to silence independent journalism. The trial is scheduled to resume on January 5.

Toplum TV Case: Defense Demands High-Level Testimony and Judicial Recusal #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Show Us the Goods, Smuggler: Meydan TV Journalists Turn Courtroom into Stage of Protest The Meydan TV case hearing at the Baku Court of Grave Crimes saw an unexpected turn on December 22. Imprisoned journalists used the indictment reading as an opportunity to stage a musical protest. They sang new lyrics to a well-known chorus from Uzeyir Hajibeyov’s operetta Arşın Mal Alan, mockingly challenging the state’s claims of wrongdoing: “Smuggler, show us the goods / Open your estates and show them… The people want to know.” This was a call for transparency. Judge Ayten Aliyeva oversaw the session that showed the tension between the defense and the court. The State Tax Service is seeking about 80,000 AZN from the accused, adding financial strain to a politically charged case. The court denied the defense’s request to record the trial, though twelve media professionals are facing serious charges. The court stated that media observers taking notes would be enough. The defendants and their lawyers pointed out what they said were ongoing issues with the process. Shamshad Agha, editor-in-chief of Arqument.az, claimed that the investigation was not valid because the documents were not prepared on the required forms. He said this could allow for later falsification. After his request to dismiss these documents was rejected, Agha called the session a farce, claiming the court was acting outside the law. The personal impact of the detention was clear through different requests. Aynur Elgunesh, editor-in-chief of Meydan TV, was able to get back her disability and IDP cards, which had been held by investigators. But her request to have her dog, Max, visit her at the detention center was denied. The judge said there was no provision for such visits, but Elgunesh argued that there was no law against them. Journalists Ulviyya Ali and Fatima Movlamli asked for the return of their electronics containing family photos and memories, but these requests were ignored. The Meydan TV case is part of a larger effort to control independent media in Azerbaijan that began in late 2023. Since then, more than 30 journalists and activists, including people from Abzas Media and Toplum TV, have been arrested on similar charges. These include illegal business activity, tax evasion, and smuggling. The state says these are criminal cases unrelated to their work. The defendants say their imprisonment is political retaliation for exposing government wrongdoing. The trial is scheduled to start again on January 16, 2026, with the journalists facing up to 12 years in prison. Meanwhile, their song stands as a symbol of their resistance to what they see as an unjust legal process.

Show Us the Goods, Smuggler: Meydan TV Journalists Turn Courtroom into Stage of Protest #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Trial of Meydan TV Case Has Begun A preparatory hearing in the Meydan TV case was held on December 12 at the Baku Court for Grave Crimes, chaired by Aytan Aliyeva. According to activist Kamran Mammadli, who was observing the proceedings, a large number of convoy guards lined up in front of the glass cage in the courtroom. “Only after the lawyers protested did the convoy guards move away and we were able to see the arrested journalists,” Mammadli wrote on Facebook. According to him, the biographical data of the accused were checked at the beginning of the session. When the judge addressed Aytaj Tapdıg, she stated that she was “accused in connection with journalistic activities.” When the accused Aysel Umudova was asked about her residential address, she replied, “Baku pre-trial detention center (SIZ0).” The accused Natig Javadli said he was proud to have worked for Meydan TV and of the publication’s activities, which drew applause in the hall, Mammadli continued. “When the issue of video recording by journalists was discussed at the session, the prosecutor said there had been no requests from the press. In this regard, Nurlan Gahramanli said: ‘Of course, there are simply no journalists left free; everyone has been arrested,’” Mammadli noted. Further, according to him, the lawyers petitioned for the termination of the criminal case, or, failing that, for the transfer of the accused to house arrest. However, both petitions were rejected. At the same time, the court granted the petition to allow the accused to sit next to their lawyers during the process. “Starting from the next session, the arrested journalists will sit not in the glass cage, but next to their lawyers. Only Ulviyya Ali was allowed to sit next to her lawyer today, as she felt unwell in the cage due to lack of air,” Mammadli further stated. In addition, the court granted the defense’s petition to transfer Natig Javadli, Ramin Deco (Jabrayilzade), and Ulvi Tairov from Shuvalan Detention Facility-3 to the Baku Pre-trial Detention Center, which is a more modern penitentiary institution. “A positive moment was the satisfaction of the petition to lift the de facto ban on the registration of our marriage with Aytaj Tapdıg and to allow us visits in the pre-trial detention center. The court decided to send a letter to the pre-trial detention center to ensure the conditions for our marriage registration and to allow us meetings,” Mammadli emphasized. The court accepted the case and scheduled the substantive hearings for December 22. In connection with the start of the Meydan TV court process on Friday, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called on Azerbaijan to drop all charges and release the 12 journalists held in custody. [Link: https://cpj.org/2025/12/trial-of-12-journalists-begins-in-azerbaijans-case-against-meydan-tv/] “The sad sight of 11 journalists and a respected journalism instructor on trial in the case against the award-winning Meydan TV outlet only underscores the scale and unwarranted nature of Azerbaijan’s crackdown on the independent press,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Azerbaijani authorities must immediately release all those detained in the Meydan case, as well as all other media workers affected by this terrifying repression,” she added. If convicted, the journalists face up to 12 years in prison on a range of financial crime charges related to the alleged receipt of funding from Western donors, including currency smuggling, money laundering, and tax evasion, the CPJ statement notes. Meydan TV journalists Natig Javadli, Khayala Agayeva, Aytaj Tapdıg, Aynur Elgunesh, Aysel Umudova, and Ramin Jabrayilzade were arrested in December 2024, along with Ulvi Tagirov, deputy director of the Baku School of Journalism. Shamshad Aga, editor-in-chief of Arqument.az and working for Meydan TV, as well as Meydan TV freelancers Nurlan Gahramanli and Fatima Movlamli, were arrested in February and March 2025. Former Voice of America correspondent Ulviyya Ali, arrested in May and denying any connection to Meydan TV, and freelance photojournalist Ahmed Mukhtar, arrested in August, CPJ recalls. These journalists are among at least 24 journalists currently imprisoned in Azerbaijan in retaliation for their work, including 20 who have been jailed on Western funding charges since 2023. Earlier this year, seven journalists and media workers in the case against the anti-corruption investigative publication Abzas Media were sentenced to up to nine years in prison on similar charges. Azerbaijani law requires civil society organizations to obtain state approval for foreign grants, which the authorities have accused these media outlets of failing to do. In decisions on similar cases, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that such an omission under Azerbaijani law is punishable by fines, not criminal sanctions. Independent experts argue that the authorities refuse to register independent organizations seeking foreign grants, making it impossible for them to be legally obtained. “The arrests occurred amid deteriorating relations with the West and a crackdown on civil society and political opposition following Azerbaijan’s military return of the Nagorno-Karabakh region in late 2023. The authorities have also sharply restricted the activities of foreign media and filed in absentia charges of serious crimes against leading exiled journalists,” the CPJ statement concludes.

Trial of Meydan TV Case Has Begun #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Shamshad Aga: “Such repressions cannot suppress the people’s desire for democracy and justice” Journalist Shamshad Aga, the editor-in-chief of arqument.az, who is currently detained in the “Meydan TV case,” has written a letter from Baku Investigation Isolator regarding the arrest of Ali Karimli. We present the letter as is: “I strongly condemn the arrest of Ali Karimli. I consider this the next act of repression against democracy by the authorities and personally by Ilham Aliyev. The chairman of the Azerbaijan Popular Front Party (APFP), Ali Karimli, and Mammad Ibrahim, a member of the party’s Supreme Assembly, were detained on fake charges and later arrested by a court decision. Both of them were charged with actions aimed at forcibly seizing power and forcibly changing the constitutional structure. It is known to all of us that this accusation is completely fabricated and aims to neutralize political opponents. Ali Karimli and Mammad Ibrahim will remain in custody for months during the investigation period. Their arrest is part of a broader intimidation campaign against the democratic opposition in the country. These steps by the authorities are a new and large-scale persecution campaign launched against democratic forces in our country. For years, the government has been trying to create fear in society by arresting critics under various pretexts. However, such repressions cannot suppress the people’s desire for democracy and justice. Ali Karimli, Mammad Ibrahim, and other innocent detainees must be released immediately. Let’s not forget that those who try to silence Ali Karimli today may dare to trample on the rights of each of us tomorrow. People fighting for democracy and freedoms need our defense and solidarity. I believe that justice will ultimately prevail. Together, we must stop this wave of repression and continue the struggle for freedom and justice for the future of our country.” Shamshad Aga Baku Investigation Isolator

Shamshad Aga: “Such repressions cannot suppress the people’s desire for democracy and justice” #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Shamsad Agha: “Such repressions cannot stifle the people’s desire for democracy and justice.” Shamsad Agha, a journalist arrested in the “Meydan TV case” and the chief editor of the arqument.az website, has written a letter from the Baku Investigation Isolator regarding Ali Karimli’s arrest. We present the letter as it is: “I resolutely condemn the arrest of Ali Karimli. I consider this another act of repression against democracy by the government, and personally by Ilham Aliyev. Ali Karimli, the chairman of the Azerbaijan Popular Front Party (APFP), and Mammad Ibrahim, a member of the party’s Presidium, were detained on fabricated charges and subsequently arrested by a court decision. Both of them have been accused of actions aimed at violently seizing power and forcibly changing the constitutional order. It is known to all of us that this accusation is entirely fabricated and aims to neutralize political opponents. Ali Karimli and Mammad Ibrahim will remain in custody for months during the investigation period. Their arrest is part of a broader intimidation campaign against the democratic opposition in the country. These steps by the government constitute a new and large-scale campaign of persecution launched against democratic forces in our country. For years, the government has been trying to create fear in society by arresting critics on various pretexts. But such repressions cannot stifle the people’s desire for democracy and justice. Ali Karimli, Mammad Ibrahim, and other innocently arrested individuals must be released immediately. Let’s not forget that those who try to silence Ali Karimli today may dare to trample on the rights of each of us tomorrow. People fighting for democracy and freedoms need our defense and solidarity. I believe that justice will ultimately prevail. Together, we must stop this wave of repression and continue the struggle for freedom and justice for the future of our country.” Shamsad Agha Baku Investigation Isolator

Shamsad Agha: “Such repressions cannot stifle the people’s desire for democracy and justice.” #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Human Rights Advocate Asks President Aliyev to Free Meydan TV Journalists Arzu Abdullayeva, who heads the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly (HCA) Azerbaijan National Committee and has received international awards, has formally asked President Ilham Aliyev to release the 12 arrested Meydan TV journalists. In her request sent before the court hearing on December 12, 2025, at the Baku Court of Grave Crimes, she asks that the journalists be released from custody. Reasons for Release Abdullayeva says that the charges which now list smuggling, illegal business activity, money laundering, tax problems, and forgery seem too harsh, considering what the journalists did. She argues that their work is tied to their jobs and free speech. She feels that the charges are actually minor work issues or administrative errors, not actions against the state. She said that the work of journalists and activists, which includes giving helpful criticism, is needed to build public trust and make the government better. Abdullayeva can attest to the patriotism and commitment of many of these people. She noted that while Azerbaijan is doing well in foreign affairs, some things done in the past create negative ideas that don’t fit with the country’s direction now. She asks the President to release the journalists as a humanitarian act. This would show a better relationship between the government and its people, grow public trust, and improve the country’s image. Case Details The police started action against Meydan TV on December 6, 2024. At that time, Ramin Deko, Aynur Ganbarova, Aysel Umudova, Aytac Ahmadova, Khayala Aghayeva, Natig Javadli, and Ulvi Tahirov were arrested. Later, between February and August 2025, Shamshad Aghayev, Nurlan Libre, Fatima Movlamli, Ulviyya Ali, and Ahmad Mukhtar were also arrested. The total number of people arrested in this case is 12. The journalists were first charged with smuggling. In August 2025, the charges got worse, and now they face eight charges under the Criminal Code. The journalists say they are not guilty and that their arrest is political to stop independent media in the country.

Human Rights Advocate Asks President Aliyev to Free Meydan TV Journalists #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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RSF 2025 Annual Report: A Global Overview of Attacks on Journalists Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has put out its yearly summary, and it paints a grim picture: there’s been a major jump in violence and abuse aimed at journalists all over the world. RSF makes a key point: Journalists are not dying for journalism. They are being killed because of it. The report, covering December 1, 2024, to December 1, 2025, shows just how risky it is to be a journalist today. The Death Count: 67 Journalists Killed In the time covered by the report, 67 journalists and media workers were killed because of their work. About 79% of these deaths were caused by armed forces, paramilitary groups, and organized crime groups. The war in Gaza was the worst place for journalists, with 43% of all journalist killings happening there. At least 29 Palestinian journalists were killed because of their jobs. RSF mentions that, since October 2023, the Israeli military is to blame for the deaths of around 220 journalists in Gaza. Mexico is still the second most dangerous country for journalists, with nine killed. Criminal cartels and corrupt groups are the main source of this violence. Sudan and Ukraine are still very risky places because of ongoing conflicts. Four journalists died in Sudan due to ongoing fighting, and three were killed in Ukraine by Russian military attacks. The report notes that only two foreign journalists were killed this year, which tells us that most victims are local reporters targeted in their own countries. Imprisonment and Disappearances As of December 1, 2025, 503 journalists are in jail in 47 countries. RSF says this is a worrying sign that the press is being pressured worldwide. China has the most journalists in jail, with 121. Russia is next with 48 (including 26 Ukrainian journalists), followed by Myanmar with 47. Israel is now one of the top 10 countries for jailing journalists, holding 20 Palestinian journalists. Sixteen of them were arrested in the last two years in Gaza and the West Bank. The report also talks about how many journalists are missing or have been kidnapped: 135 journalists are currently missing in 37 countries. Most of these disappearances (72%) are in the Middle East and Latin America, with Syria (37) and Mexico (28) leading the way. 20 journalists are being held hostage around the world. This includes seven journalists taken by the Houthis in Yemen and others still held by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group in Syria. Focus on Azerbaijan and the Post-Soviet Area RSF says media freedom in Azerbaijan is in critical condition. This is part of a bigger problem of press freedom being threatened in the former Soviet countries, including Russia, Georgia, and Belarus. Azerbaijan has 25 independent journalists and media workers in jail. A concerning number of them (20) were arrested in the past year, showing a major crackdown. RSF brought up the case of Abzas Media editor Sevinj Vagifgizi and six of her colleagues, who got sentences of 7 to 9 years for charges like currency smuggling after they reported on corruption among top officials. RSF believes these charges are politically motivated. The Azerbaijani government says these people were convicted of actual crimes and denies any political reason for their arrest. RSF notes that 21 journalists are in jail in Iran, three in Turkey, and one in Georgia, showing that media freedom is restricted in these neighboring countries as well. A Call to Action RSF Secretary-General Thibaut Bruttin believes the continued violence is due to the lack of political will from the international community. He said that governments often make promises but don’t create real protections for journalists. He also said that international groups are losing their ability to enforce journalist protection. Bruttin emphasized that these problems, often made worse by smear campaigns against journalists, lead to terrible consequences.

RSF 2025 Annual Report: A Global Overview of Attacks on Journalists #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Trial of Exiled Editor Ganimat Zahid Begins in Baku; Human Rights Watch Condemns Azerbaijan’s Actions Against Critics The trial of Ganimat Zahid, the editor of the Azadlıq newspaper who lives in France, started on December 9 at the Baku Court of Grave Crimes. Judge Fakhri Mammadov led the session, where Zahid’s information was verified. The case investigation ended on November 17, with the next hearing set for December 16. Zahid is accused of open calls against the state. An arrest warrant was issued for him on May 31. Zahid claims he is innocent, stating that the charges are politically driven and related to his work as a journalist. He added that the court is the most incompetent level in the matter. This legal action is facing global criticism. On November 26, Human Rights Watch (HRW) urged Azerbaijan to stop increasing repression at home and against critics living abroad. HRW said that the government is growing its efforts against journalists, activists, and analysts in exile by issuing politically driven arrest warrants and search orders. Giorgi Gogiya, HRW’s Associate Director for Europe and Central Asia, said that these cases show that the authorities are misusing the justice system to silence critics, something they have seen happening for years. HRW’s statement mentioned the recent detentions of journalists, human rights defenders, and scholars on false charges since November 2023. HRW asked that Azerbaijan cancel all politically driven charges, end pressure on independent voices, and follow international agreements to protect freedom of speech. Government officials deny these accusations, saying that basic rights are protected and that the country’s courts are independent.

Trial of Exiled Editor Ganimat Zahid Begins in Baku; Human Rights Watch Condemns Azerbaijan’s Actions Against Critics #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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“Ulviyya Ali writes from detention: ‘I am also a victim of one man – Ilham Aliyev’ If we categorize by offenses, the women here are mostly detained for fraud and drug-related offenses. In prison, the phrase “I was a victim of a man” is one of the most popular sentences among women. This sentence is constantly on the lips of most of the women I talk to. For example, Saida is 38 years old and has married for the second time. The man she was in a civil marriage with, named Arif, was jealous and constantly tormented her. He beat her throughout their three-year relationship. Saida’s relatives made her an object of blame. They also blamed her for the beatings, saying it wouldn’t have happened if she hadn’t divorced her first husband. Saida’s reason for divorcing her first husband was his infidelity. Fearing a second divorce, the woman endured the oppression and could not speak out. Although she later complained to the police about the violence, the man was released a few hours later. She suspects that the police released him after “milking” him well. Her relatives, however, criticized the woman for complaining to the police, saying, “You are disgracing us.” According to Saida, Arif was a drug addict, and even after he was imprisoned for this reason, he did not leave the woman alone. The man was released with an electronic tag after giving a bribe. After this, because Saida separated from him, Arif intercepted her, beat her, and threatened her, saying, “They will arrest me anyway, but I won’t let you enjoy yourself outside.” Subsequently, Saida was arrested for a drug offense, just like her former partner. There is also a strange detail in the indictment. Allegedly, Saida was selling drugs from her own number to her own number. Saida always tells this story and says, “I was a victim of a man.” Nurana, 36 years old. Nurana separated from her first husband because they did not have children. Her husband’s family constantly criticized and pressured her for this reason. According to Nurana, although the doctor said the problem was with her husband, the blame was only directed at her. After the divorce, Nurana was alone for a long time. She says that as time passed, and wanting to have a child, she started living in a civil marriage with a man named Namiq. Throughout their relationship, Namiq bought Nurana expensive gifts and took her on trips. Within a short time, Namiq’s behavior changed, and he began to subject Nurana to violence. Nurana left him because of this. After separating, Namiq persuaded the woman and insisted on going to the house they had lived in. On the way, Nurana recalls being forcibly put into a car by people in civilian clothes. Currently, both Namiq and Nurana are imprisoned on fraud charges. According to Nurana, she later learned that the expensive gifts and trips were bought with money Namiq had obtained from someone through fraud. Nurana says her only mistake was allowing him to use a bank card in her name. Recently, Namiq sent her a message saying that if Nurana did not separate from him, he would tell the court that the woman was innocent. Nurana also tells her story and says, “I was a victim of a man.” Toma, 29 years old. Toma has a 7-year-old daughter. She had to divorce at 19 because her former husband’s family did not accept her. Because the family was wealthy, they even managed to take her child from her. But later, she was able to regain custody of the child through a compromise. Toma was also not accepted by her own family because of her divorce. She was forced to live on the street for three months. However, she later found a job and was able to rent an apartment. Toma, who led a very difficult life, says that after some time, she reconciled with her family. She learned that her mother had diabetes. Due to the gangrene in her mother’s leg caused by the diabetes, the doctor gave her a choice: either her mother’s leg must be amputated, or a large sum of money must be found for her treatment. A close male relative saw Toma’s difficult situation and suggested that she smuggle drugs across the border, saying there was good money in this job. Toma, like most women, says, “I was a victim of a man.” It is one of the monotonous days in prison. I witness a conversation between two women. I hear the same sentence again: “I was a victim of a man.” I cannot restrain myself and say: “I am also a victim of one man – Ilham Aliyev.” Ulviyya Ali, 32 years old. I think my story is known to everyone… Note: Names in the text are fictional for security and privacy.”

“Ulviyya Ali writes from detention: ‘I am also a victim of one man – Ilham Aliyev’ #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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December 6, 2024 – The last day of freedom… Journalist Aysel Umudova, arrested in the “Meydan TV case,” writes from the Baku Pre-trial Detention Center where she is held: “In the morning, completely unaware of what was to come, I was heading to the ‘Qalaaltı’ recreation center in Shabran. I had planned my day. Being arrested was not on my schedule for that day. But in an authoritarian country, was it possible to work as an independent journalist and escape arrest? Of course not. Especially when nearly 20 of our colleagues are already behind bars. In short, as I left home, I waved to my cat, Mia, and told her, “Mom will be back in two days.” After arriving at ‘Qalaaltı’ and entering the room, I turned on my switched-off phone. The moment I turned it on, a call came through, and the first sentence from my trembling friend was: “I thought they got you too.” It turned out that the wave of repression against independent media, which began in 2023, had crashed down on Meydan TV. Aynur Elgunesh, Ramin Jabrayilzade (Deko), Khayala Aghayeva, Natig Javadli, and Aytaj Ahmadova (Tapdiq) were already in the government’s hands. Their homes had been raided on pretexts like ‘water leakage’ and similar excuses, and they had been turned into political prisoners of Ilham Aliyev. There was nothing to be done. I washed down the lump in my throat with water and took my phone to inform the families. Some families were already informed, but I had to notify others. After speaking with my mother, I changed out of my clothes into something more comfortable, like preparing for battle, and got ready to return to Baku. I was thinking to myself, “If they don’t pick me up on the way, I’ll go straight to the Baku City Main Police Department (BCMPD),” when the door to my room opened from the outside, and suddenly 6 plainclothes police officers appeared. Yes, the door was neither knocked on nor was I asked if it was convenient. My phone was immediately seized. They grabbed my arms and restricted my movement. To be honest, I didn’t resist either. It was meaningless. We traveled a three-hour journey to Baku with three men I didn’t know. It was raining terribly, a downpour. I later learned that our friends waited for us in front of the BCMPD until morning in that deluge. Halfway there, I had a panic attack. My breathing became difficult, my head felt heavy, my wrists went numb, and an uncontrollable trembling started in my hands and lips. I forced myself to be as composed as possible so they wouldn’t think I was afraid and try to gain a psychological advantage. I wasn’t in a state to explain that a panic attack is related to neurosis, not fear. After a while, seeing my condition worsen, I asked for water. There was no water in the car. They didn’t stop at a shop, thinking I might “get out and run away.” After driving a significant distance, they called someone and asked them to bring water to the road. The big, dark-skinned, graying man sitting to my left tried to provide first aid. Or so I thought. To stabilize my condition, he rubbed my wrist. When I felt the hand I’d felt on my wrist on my leg, I thought it was his elbow. I moved his hands away from my leg. Then, when he repeatedly put his hands on my knee and touched my leg, I quickly pulled my hand away and put it in my pocket. Understanding that I had caught on, he moved to the other end of the seat. He settled down to nap. After a while, the nap turned into deep sleep. Soon after, his snoring filled the car. It took me a whole year to process the harassment I experienced. A little before arriving, I asked them to call an ambulance to the department. We arrived at the department. There was no ambulance. In the room where I was held before going to the investigator’s office, a BCMPD employee demanded I unlock my phone, or rather, emphasizing the trembling caused by the panic attack, he threatened, “You can stand up now, but if you don’t unlock your phone, you won’t even be able to do that.” Seeing that I wouldn’t agree, he said, “We’ll open it ourselves,” and took me to the investigator’s office. I was now in the room for questioning. But there was neither a lawyer nor a doctor present. I told the investigator, Jeyhun Huseynov, that I would not give a statement without my lawyer and without medical intervention. Finally, they felt the need to call the Emergency Medical Service. The arriving doctor, after providing medical assistance, said, “Go, sleep, rest.” The investigator’s eyes nearly popped out of his head from frustration. Yes, the doctor had given me an injection of analgin and dimedrol, and we were supposed to finish the statement before I fell asleep. The document placed before me after the statement had “Imran Aliyev” written on it. When I looked at the paper in surprise, I said the names were wrong. The investigator had confused the people they were framing. After I was informed that I was being involved in the investigation as a suspect, I took a few personal belongings and was sent to the Khatai District Temporary Detention Facility. I was held for nearly 48 hours in a cold, unclean cell with dim, flickering lights. On December 8, I was brought before the Khatai District Court, and a pre-trial detention measure was chosen for me. After the two-day exhausting journey, I was brought to the Baku Pre-trial Detention Center. Walking tiredly through the corridor of the building where I was held, my eyes searched for my female colleagues. Then I learned that we were generally held in different buildings. The cell door opened, and I entered a bright room. Two smiling women greeted me in the room. They quickly poured me tea and prepared a bed for me to rest. I watched them moving back and forth in the room, and everything felt very strange to me. I now had to live in one room with these women whose names I didn’t know, eat together, talk, and share household chores. As time passed, I grew close to one of the women; we shared the books we read and sometimes discussed them. One day, when I finished and returned Khaled Hosseini’s book “A Thousand Splendid Suns,” she said, “As I read it, I felt like I was Mariam, and you were Laila.” Near the end of the book, Mariam was executed in prison. After sharing a cell for five months with this cheerful, kind, and fun-loving woman, she passed away in a hospital called “tubzon” (Tuberculosis hospital/ward), where she was sent. Only after she died did I truly understand how close we had become. Yes, exactly one year ago, I told my cat Mia I would be back in 2 days, but for a year now, I haven’t returned home, nor have I seen Mia. I am now charged under 7 articles and will soon appear before the judge at the Baku Court of Serious Crimes. I am eagerly awaiting that day with my optimistic smile that no one can take away from me. Because for 1 year, I have been alive as a result of my unwavering belief in my choice. Aysel Umudova Kurdakhani 08.12.2025

December 6, 2024 – The last day of freedom… #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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“I was subjected to torture in a solitary cell” Nurlan Libre, arrested in the “Meydan TV case,” writes from the detention center: To the Prosecutor General of the Republic, Mr. Kamran Aliyev, from Gahramanli Nurlan Ramiz oglu Application (or Petition) I write to inform you that on December 1, 2025, I was subjected to violence by employees of the Penitentiary Service’s “convoy” regiment in the holding cell for prisoners at the Sabail District Court. Specifically, around 11 a.m., I complained to the guards about the absence of basic first aid supplies (gauze, cotton, iodine, alcohol, etc.), stating that the “convoy” chief should provide prisoners with these materials. At that moment, 4-5 guards twisted my arm and handcuffed me, then put me in a solitary cell with punches and insults. They handcuffed my hands behind my back so tightly that the mark remains. With another handcuff, they tied me to a table using the “Palestinian hanging” torture method (Fələstin halqası). After holding me like this for approximately 1 hour, they took me to the courtroom. Only there, after the intervention of my lawyer, did the inhuman treatment against me cease. All these acts of violence were captured by the court’s security cameras. My lawyer, Parviz Hajiyev, and five other prisoners brought with me also witnessed this incident. The name of the Azerbaijani state is frequently mentioned in international reports regarding the inhuman treatment of detained persons. The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly fined Azerbaijan for failing to investigate instances of ill-treatment and has called for respect for human dignity. Unfortunately, the country’s law enforcement agencies continue to ignore these calls and damage the country’s reputation. Expecting respect for human rights from a country where Ilham Aliyev is president sounds ridiculous. Nurlan Gahramanli Baku Investigative Isolator No. 1

“I was subjected to torture in a solitary cell” #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Azerbaijani Politician Ruslan Izzetli’s Health Deteriorates in Prison Ruslan Izzetli, a founder of the Third Republic Platform, is currently detained in relation to the Toplum TV case, and his health is in serious decline, according to his wife, Gunel Manaflı. Izzetli was arrested in March 2024 as part of the Toplum TV case, which involves criminal charges against 10 people, including politicians, journalists, and activists. The initial charge was smuggling, but it was later changed to include money laundering, illegal business activity, and tax evasion. The accused maintain their innocence, stating that their imprisonment is politically motivated. Urgent Need for Surgery On December 7th, Manaflı said that Izzetli has health problems, including high blood pressure that requires daily medication, and severe gallbladder pain. A recent medical examination showed that Izzetli’s gallbladder condition needs surgery and cannot be treated with medicine. Manaflı said that this operation cannot happen in prison. She warned that having high blood pressure and a bad gallbladder is dangerous. If his gallbladder has an attack, it could cause sepsis, which she said could kill him. “This is a warning,” Manaflı said. Izzetli had complained about the lack of an ultrasound specialist in the Baku Investigative Isolator No. 1, noting that he had been waiting for a doctor for over a month as of late November. Accountability and Political Background Gunel Manaflı said the government is responsible for her husband’s life. “This government does not care about a politician’s life. If anything happens to Ruslan Izzetli, this government is to blame,” she said. The Toplum TV case has resulted in the detention of people like Akif Gurbanov, Elesger Memmedli, Mushfig Jabbar, Ferid Ismayilov, Eli Zeynal, Ilkin Emrahov, and Ramil Babayev. Elmir Abbasov and Shahnaz Beylergizi are under police surveillance. This case is part of a trend. Local human rights organizations report that there are almost 400 political prisoners in Azerbaijan, after over 30 journalists and activists were arrested on smuggling charges since November 2023. Officials deny that anyone is arrested for their work or political views.

Azerbaijani Politician Ruslan Izzetli’s Health Deteriorates in Prison #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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Toplum TV Trial Affected by Defendant’s Health and Defense Request The Toplum TV Case continued on December 8 at the Baku Court of Grave Crimes, with Judge Azer Taghiyev presiding. During witness questioning, Alasgar Mammadli, Toplum TV’s co-founder and a media expert, got sick. He had high blood pressure and heart issues. A doctor was called to the court to check him and give him medicine. Separately, Farid Ismayilov, a Toplum TV journalist, asked the court to call members of the National Assembly he had interviewed as witnesses. Ismayilov questioned why the current witnesses were relevant to the investigation, saying they only knew him as a journalist or had been interviewed by him. “The investigation questioned 49 people. What did they learn? Nothing. The witnesses saw nothing,” he said. “They only stated that they knew me… Is knowing someone a crime? Should they arrest artists too, since people know them?” The Toplum TV Case arrests began in March 2024. Ten people face charges. The initial charge was smuggling, but the charges have become more serious since then. The trial will continue on December 15 with online questioning of witnesses who cannot attend in person.

Toplum TV Trial Affected by Defendant’s Health and Defense Request #IRFS #Azerbaijan

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