Know what OrbĂĄn did when he knew he lost? He congratualted the winner. Just saying.
#January6th
Posts by Frank A. Stengel
âThereâs nobody thatâs better, smarter or a better leader than Viktor OrbĂĄn. Heâs fantastic" (Trump).
#Bondi got fired?
Link to the chapter: doi.org/10.1007/978-...
A free preprint is available here: frankstengel.com/wp-content/u...
identities. Seen from this perspective, contrary to its self-image the media de facto does not just neutrally report on populism "out there," but it helps build populist audiences.
#disinformation #globalmedia #politicalcommunication
The chapter explores three case studies - legacy media evolving toward populist-friendly formats (the Indy100), grassroots campaign organisations like the Syrian opposition, and international broadcasting via RT (Russia Today) - and shows how "populists" and media actors coproduce core messages and
Ever wonder how the #media influences #populism? I mean, beyond the tiring enemy-of-the-people shtick. Well, @preciouschatd.bsky.social and @rhyscrilley.bsky.social have got you covered. In chapter 4 of our book, they dig into the media ecology that makes populism go transnational. #MediaStudies
I did not know this happened until I watched the newest episode of Last Week Tonight. But boy, do I love Juncker now. And can we maybe arrange a meeting with Trump? đđŒđđŒ
'The dictator is coming' - Juncker's cheeky welcome for Hungarian PM | Euronews share.google/3NEABqzk9Raw...
or #PerĂłn), the social leader (for instance #Lula da Silva, #Morales or #Bernie #Sanders), the successful businessman (e.g., #Trump or #Berlusconi) and the strong woman (such as #Palin or Le Pen). These repertoires are not tied to specific national cultures. They allow politicians to credibly claim
act, etc. These repertoires differ from those of "regular" politicians in that populist leaders commonly claim to be an outsider to the political establishment - which is a big part of their appeal. Casullo distinguishes four different such repertoires: the patriotic soldier (e.g., #ChĂĄvez
Why do (at least some) "populist" leaders across very different countries appear similar? Chapter 3 by MarĂa Esperanza Casullo argues that different populists draw on established #repertoires, i.e., "discursive templates" (p. 63) that regulate how populist #leaders are expected to look, talk,
Ich weigere mich, einen Screenshot des widerwĂ€rtigen Tweets von S. Homburg zu teilen, in dem er Collien Fernandes als âFlittchenâ bezeichnet, und ich hoffe sehr, sie zeigt ihn an. Scham und Angst mĂŒssen die Seite wechseln!
Wir brauchen das Auto-Ăquivalent zu gun control. Die Leute sind sich einfach nicht bewusst, dass sie andere gefĂ€hrden.
Nachdem eine Autofahrerin direkt vor meinem Kind und mir einfach ĂŒber einen Zebrastreifen gefahren und ein anderer Autofahrer bei einer grĂŒnen FuĂgĂ€ngerampel fast Leute direkt vor mir ĂŒberfahren hĂ€tte und dann auch noch gehupt hat, bin ich wieder bei einem allgemeinen Autoverbot angekommen.
for instance with respect to #climate change. But it also comes with unique hurdles (language, for instance) and pitfalls, such as the tension between #hegemony and #pluralism.
Drawing on #Laclau's theory of populism as a political logic, Zeemann challenges the link between populism and nationalism. He argures that a "global populist movement" is theoretically possible. And it could even have a positive impact on collective problem solving,
Next up is Jan Zeemann's chapter that probes the possibility of #transnational #populism. Most definitions of populism treat the nation as its natural home: "the people" vs. "the elite" within a bounded political community.
#nationalism
ÂČ I'm drawing on Waltz's distinction here, which understands international politics as the larger patterns of cooperation and conflict, international organization and so on that emerge from the interaction between states and other actors.
Âč Norway regularly leads democracy indices. It should be noted, of course, that these indices measure democracy in a certain, predominantly western-centric, way.
Against this background, we argue that while significant progress has been made compared to 2019 (at least by some working in IR), there is still room for improvement when it comes to concept specification and engagement with research outside the field.
it is reasonable to assume that populism might not be the (main) driving factor. That however would make the debates about "populist foreign policy" or the "populist threat", indeed the very idea of populism having a unified effect that cuts across different cases, essentially a nothingburger.
actors commonly called populist are a threat to liberal democracy, international cooperation and indeed world peace. The question is whether that is because of populism or something else. Given that not all "populists" have started dismantling democratic institutions and international organizations,