Traduction française de Miranda Spieler - Esclaves à Paris
Vies cachées et histoires fugitives
À paraître en août aux éditions La Découverte
Posts by Niklas Plaetzer
Schwarze Moderne und schwarze Kritik
Drei Neuübersetzungen der black radical tradition zeigen, wie die kapitalistische Moderne mit Kolonialismus und Rassismus verbunden ist
via Robert Heinze @rheinze.myatproto.social
www.nd-aktuell.de/artikel/1199...
Gerhard Matzig stellt die berechtigte Frage, was aus der nun unbewohnten Villa Habermas wird - dem fantastischen Erstlingswerk der Architekten Heinz Hilmer und Christoph Sattler von 1972, das leider nicht unter Denkmalschutz steht. Die Gefahr, dass sie verkauft und abgerissen wird, ist leider groß.
Eva von Redecker: »Die autoritäre Versuchung beginnt beim Eigentum«
Wenn alles unsicherer wird, gewinnen autoritäre Versprechen an Zugkraft. Eva von Redecker erklärt im Interview, was dem entgegengesetzt werden kann.
archive.is/v0mbC
The UNESCO is going to recognize the manuscripts of Brazilian abolitionist, lawyer, poet, and radical republican Luiz Gama (1830-1882), preserved at the São Paulo State Archives, as part of the world's Documentary Heritage.
folha.com/b0o136pn
Paris, Librairie anarchiste Publico, 15 avril 19h
Le peuple et la plèbe
Avec Martin Breaugh et Gérard Bras
À l'occasion de la réédition (2026) de L'expérience plébéienne
www.librairie-publico.info?p=11840
@klincksieck.bsky.social
@agendamilitant.org
Paris, Librairie anarchiste Publico, 15 avril 19h
Le peuple et la plèbe
Avec Martin Breaugh et Gérard Bras
À l'occasion de la réédition (2026) de L'expérience plébéienne
www.librairie-publico.info?p=11840
@klincksieck.bsky.social
@agendamilitant.org
On the JHI Blog, Lilia Endter interviewed Peter Gordon about his new book, Walter Benjamin: The Pearl Diver, discussing Benjamin's idiosyncratic methodology, the role of identity categories in writing a biography, and Benjamin's "aberrant" use of Marxist concepts. @yalepress.bsky.social
It's official! My next book "The Indian Revolutionary Movement in Europe, 1905-1918: Exile, Internationalism, and Resistance to Empire" is coming out with Liverpool University Press on 14 August 2026.
www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/doi/book/10....
Honestly still in shock by its placement, but my article (and job talk paper), “Indigenous Constitutionalism,” is officially out in the Harvard Law Review. A brief thread on this project🧵
harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-13...
W HETHER WRITTEN OR UNWRITTEN, YOUNG OR OLD, constitutions can't compel the construction of institutions or the enforcement of norms any more than maps can create fences, checkpoints, or border patrols. And yet constitutions are powerful; they produce effects.? Constitutional power may take the form of physical force; 3 directions that are regarded as legitimate;" or concerted action by members of a political community. 5 It may rarely register at all, as people define the politically possible with reference to constitutions without realizing it. 6 Akhil Amar's Born Equal is an effort to perpetuate the power of the Constitution of the United States. Amar describes his book as a "continu[ation of] a narrative" (p. 15) that will span three volumes (p. 612), and he never leaves his readers in doubt about why he thinks this story is worth telling. Amar believes that people in the United States would be better off following the Constitution - as he understands it — than doing something else (pp. 611-12). He also believes that those who revere the Constitution and advance arguments grounded in its original meaning and purpose are more likely to win the day (p. 620). It's fitting that Amar's book is full of maps (p. 618), as Amar's project resembles that of leading nineteenth-century mapmakers: the forging of a national identity." For Amar, that identity is, and ought to be, grounded in what he labels "originalism" (p. 2). Amar is an engaging writer and a splendid storyteller. Alas — to borrow one of Amar's favorite interjections - even at 726 pages, Born Equal omits too much of importance. The result of Amar's attempt to fit an entire century's worth of American constitutionalism into a coherent narrative is never boring. But, ultimately, it reveals more about the mapmaker than the territory.
My review of Akhil Amar's "Born Equal" has been published by the Harvard Law Review. It is entitled "Alas," because... alas, I did not like it. Here's the opening:
harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-13...
Cover of book 'Race, Culture, and Politics in German Historical Thought, 1785–1815' by Morgan Golf-French
My book is Online! 🥳🥳🥳
Race, Culture, and Politics in German Historical Thought, 1785–1815 represents the culmination of ten years' work.
In it, I try to peel back our assumptions about how historiography worked in the German Enlightenment, situating it between the...
academic.oup.com/book/62547
Cover of “The Absolute Abolition” by Jesse Olsavsky
starting now i am going to start sharing the books i read. finished this volume this morning. it is terrific.
Thinking with @luciana-cadahia.bsky.social @samuelhayat.bsky.social @camilavergara.bsky.social @brunoleipold.com @jamesmuldoon.bsky.social @vharting.bsky.social @arturochang.bsky.social @marxinhell.bsky.social @jeanne-moisand.bsky.social. Dissertation is coming up, excited for future discussions!
*With apologies for an autocorrect-induced typo in an earlier version of this post!
The chapter shows how the third approach – counter-power – can reveal plebeian internationalism as a distinct current of political thought. And once we bring it back into view, we shift the ways we think about democratic power beyond the nation-state and towards the critique of oligarchic rule.
(2) What is "plebeian" about this internationalism? I distinguish three ways of imagining the plebs:
– as a social group, supposedly pre-existing its political articulation;
– as an event in which the excluded become political subjects;
– as counter-power, enacted via institutions against domination
The defeat of plebeian internationalism was the result of violent repression. But it was also linked to its own limits: the racial bordering of a white working class and the narrowing of revolutionary politics from the socialist feminism of the 1830s to an androcentric International of "working men"
"For as long as peoples cultivate a national, state-civic [staatsbürgerliche] and pious rather than international, cosmopolitan, and free-spirited attitude, put to the test in action, freedom and enjoyment will be for the lords, and order and hardship will be for the people." (Der Vorbote, 1871)
(1) "Internationalism" did not emerge from the worlds of politicians or scholars but that of dominated groups. Counter-intuitively, the term did not presuppose nation-state units. Internationalism meant: *transnational* solidarity among movements, building a "universal republic" across borders.
The chapter – from my UChicago dissertation – makes two interventions: (1) it traces the origins of "internationalism" to 19th century cosmopolitan republicanism among dominated groups, and (2) distinguishes different ways of thinking about "the plebs" as a subject of democratic politics.
My chapter on 19th century plebeian internationalism is out now in The Routledge Handbook of Ideology Analysis 🎉 📕
Many thanks to the editors @julfaure.bsky.social, Matthew Humphreys, and David Laycock!
If you'd like to read it, feel free to get in touch.
www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edi...
Thank you Paul! That's awesome! And another reason I'm happy to contribute a chapter to this edited volume. Hope you're doing well and that we get to continue our discussions soon!
The defeat of plebeian internationalism was the result of violent repression. But it was also linked to its own limits: the racial bordering of a white working class and the narrowing of revolutionary politics from the socialist feminism of the 1830s to an androcentric International of "working men"
"For as long as peoples cultivate a national, state-civic [staatsbürgerliche], and pious rather than an international, cosmopolitan, and free-spirited attitude, put to the test in action, freedom and enjoyment will be for the lords, and order and hardship will be for the people." (Der Vorbote, 1871)
(1) The concept "internationalism" did not emerge from the worlds of politicians or scholars but that of dominated groups. Counter-intuitively, it did not presuppose nation-state units. It denoted *transnational* solidarity among movements engaged in building a "universal republic" across borders.
The chapter (from my UChicago dissertation) makes two moves: (1) it traces the origins of "internationalism" to 19th cosmopolitan republicanism among dominated groups, and (2) distinguishes different ways of thinking about "the plebs," between history and contemporary revivals.