Do negative encounters with immigrants activate personality effects in PRR support? @cvalebeek.bsky.social, Daniel Komáromy, @delaneypeterson.bsky.social & @mrooduijn.bsky.social find it's not generally the case but initial exposure & out-group framing may matter: buff.ly/EI4hOXf (OPEN ACCESS)
Abstract We assess the impact of former President Joe Biden’s unprecedented decision to exit the 2024 Presidential race 2 months before election day by analyzing a naturally-occurring experiment surrounding the incumbent President’s decision to exit the 2024 race, a period in which we fielded the second wave (NWave 2 = 831) of a nationally-representative panel study (NWave 1 = 1400), with random invitation assignment (from the original response pool) throughout Wave 2. Pre-registered difference-in-difference (DID) analyses reveal no evidence of significant turnout or down-ballot effects across either the US adult population or partisan subgroups. However, post hoc tests reveal substantial gains in excitement about the 2024 campaign across both the general population and (especially) among self-identified Democrats after President Biden’s decision to drop out. Elevated excitement coincided with (a) increased belief in core democratic principles and (b) increased donation to Democrats up and down the ballot.
Did Biden’s 2024 exit reshape electoral outcomes? @mattmotta.bsky.social, Trujillo, @stecula.bsky.social, Callaghan, @ophiryotam.bsky.social & @drorwalter.bsky.social examine panel data, finding no turnout effects but higher excitement and Democratic engagement. Read more: buff.ly/3CKEZqC
#polsky
What makes technical expertise a legitimate source of authority? Trym Nohr Fjørtoft (@trymnf.com) examines “technical legitimacy”, proposing conditions under which expertise can justify delegation to non-majoritarian institutions. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/ybHpmPQ
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #ECRs
Abstract The fracture between citizens and elites on European integration remains understudied, most notably when it comes to specific issues. One of these issues, particularly salient in the aftermath of Brexit, is holding further European Union exit referendums across the Union. While regularly floated by (Eurosceptic) parties for electoral purposes, it remains unclear to what extent parties and citizens agree to actually hold European Union exit referendums. We examine the relationship between party and citizen stances on this issue in 10 European Union member states, leveraging original cross-country survey data and expert survey data on parties’ positions, both collected in 2019. The results show that parties tend to be more against holding a European Union exit referendum than their voters, less so the more extreme parties. Moreover, higher media saliency correlates with greater party–voter congruence, and the issue is more polarised among the electorate than at the party level.
Do parties & voters agree on EU exit referendums? @acgoldberg.bsky.social & @alessandronai.bsky.social examine 10 countries, showing parties are more opposed than voters, with gaps narrowing as issue salience rises. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/eUxRCV1
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #EuropeanPolitics
Do preferential voting reforms weaken gender quotas? @petrahrens.bsky.social & Sabine Lang examine German Länder reforms, arguing party culture shapes whether open lists help or hinder women’s rep. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/IHoc7H3
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #GenderRep #ECRs #polsci
Abstract How do opposition parties become viable alternatives under dominant-party rule? Existing studies often attribute opposition change to electoral shocks or short-term campaign strategies, offering limited insight into how governing capacity is constructed under asymmetric political conditions. This article introduces the concept of transformative accumulation to analyze the recent trajectory of Turkey’s Republican People’s Party under the long-standing dominance of the Justice and Development Party. Drawing on 13 elite-level interviews with incumbent and former party officials, campaign consultants, and local leaders, the study identifies three interwoven narratives—ideological, institutional, and leadership—that structure this transformation. It shows how the Republican People’s Party recalibrated its ideological appeal, adopted a more inclusive leadership model, and strengthened its administrative and communicative capacities despite persistent institutional constraints. While acknowledging the continued structural advantages enjoyed by the Justice and Development Party, the article demonstrates how opposition parties can reposition themselves as viable alternatives within competitive authoritarian regimes. Conceptually, it shifts the analysis of opposition politics away from episodic electoral moments toward a process-based framework for studying opposition agency under dominant-party rule.
How do opposition parties become viable under dominant-party rule? Nur Sinem Kourou & Ahmet Cemal Ertürk examine Turkey’s CHP, arguing “transformative accumulation” builds capacity through ideology, leadership and organisation. Read more: buff.ly/cYglzNS
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci
Brexit put EU exit referendums on the agenda—but do parties and citizens agree on whether to hold one?
In a new paper w @alessandronai.bsky.social in @polstudies.bsky.social, we find a clear party–voter gap and stronger polarization among citizens than parties #EUsky #Polisky
doi.org/10.1177/0032...
Focusing on centrism as a purported set of ideas – a centre beyond left and right – @karlpike.bsky.social offers a new theory of centrism as a structure for political action: a politics which oscillates between left and right. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/r8Nq38r
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polisky
Does social trust shape immigration policy views? @fqinya.bsky.social examines Swedish twin data, arguing trust, rather than prosociality, drives more inclusive attitudes toward immigrants. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/LKLjPGO
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ImmigrationPolitics #ECRs
Abstract This article considers the moral limits on uncivil climate protest. It does so by examining Andreas Malm’s influential claim that the climate movement should engage in the targeted sabotage of property associated with high emissions. Although Malm’s criticisms of civilly disobedient climate protest are forceful, I show that there are problems with his positive arguments. First, we need not view sabotage as necessarily violent, and more clarity is needed on the relationship between the violence/nonviolence distinction and property damage. Second, the norms of defensive harm are too permissive: they seem inconsistent with the principle of nonviolence to persons Malm and other climate activists want to endorse. Finally, an ethic of resistibility to the climate movement is underspecified in both its content and grounds. The conclusion of the article is that Malm’s important challenge is incomplete, and that more work is required to understand the norms of uncivil climate protest.
The moral limits on uncivil climate protest - Alex McLaughlin examines Andreas Malm’s claim that the climate movement should engage in targeted sabotage of property associated with high emissions. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/iXStHtW
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com
What's wrong with the transition paradigm in environmental politics? Mathias Thaler argues A. Gramsci's concept of an 'interregnum' can help us better understand politics in the Anthropocene. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/7BpT0Rr
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @edinburghpir.bsky.social #polsci #polsky
Abstract This article examines the concept of transition as it is employed in climate-change discourse, drawing lessons from earlier usage in the context of post-communist change. Approaching the green transition as both an analytical and a political concept, the article explores the intentions to which it responds, the assumptions that come with it and the extent to which these are well founded. As the article argues, the concept of transition carries an alluring promise of peaceful change that can be guided to completion by elites. Underpinning this, however, is a misleading image of linear movement towards a new state of equilibrium, the political effect of which may be to weaken the cause of climate-change mitigation and the democratic institutions on which it depends.
The green transition as both an analytical & a political concept - @jonathanpjwhite.bsky.social explores the intentions to which it responds, the assumptions with it & if these are well founded: buff.ly/zH2lq1V (OPEN ACCESS)
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com
How do memories of wartime violence affect post-war inter-group attitudes? Dino Hadzic shows war memory activation increases hostility toward out-group members, especially among those who experienced violence firsthand. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/YYghH81
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci
Abstract Previous evidence highlights significant levels of animosity between supporters of radical right parties and those of other parties, contributing to overall affective polarization. However, there is limited understanding of the dynamics between the electoral emergence of radical right parties and affective polarization. We argue that out-party animosity is not only a potential consequence of radical right parties success but also a driver of their rise. Initially, centre-right partisans exhibiting relatively high levels of hostility towards left-wing voters are more likely to shift their support to an emerging radical right party, accounting for their positions on key issues. Subsequently, the irruption of a radical right party triggers a double defensive reaction among non-radical right party supporters: (a) the rapid development of strong antagonism towards radical right voters; and (b) a de-escalation of mutual hostility between left-wing and centre-right voters. We support these arguments with evidence from a Spanish panel dataset that captures the rise of the radical right party VOX.
The Case of VOX in Spain: Josep Maria Comellas Bonsfills & Mariano Torcal Loriente examine the dynamic relationship between affective polarization and radical right’s emergence: buff.ly/QF33k5v
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsci
Why do citizens support participation but not take part? Steven N. Blok's article shows those favouring direct democracy are less engaged than technocratic or politician-averse groups. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/moBWE4s
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalParticipation #eupolitics
Abstract Why are some states elected to the United Nations Security Council? Previous analysis has focused on the individual characteristics of states and has found few systematic patterns explaining this process. I posit that these inconsistent results are due to focusing on individual characteristics of states rather than their position relative to others in their regions regarding their ability to pursue peaceful settlements of international disputes—the primary job of the Security Council. Focusing on the “lock-in” effect of democratic institutions, I find that a state with more democratic institutions than its regional group peers is more likely to be elected to the United Nations Security Council since 1948.
What gets a country elected to the UN Security Council? Gary Uzonyi explores the role of regional relative democracy - read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/GckofJ3
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #elections #polsci #polsky #researchnote
Is meat consumption becoming political? @willemboterman.bsky.social & @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social examine Dutch surveys showing meat eating aligns with right-wing ideology & climate scepticism. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/HR0wNTb
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social #polisky #polsci
Abstract This piece provides an in-depth examination of the relationship between personality and affective orientations (both positive and negative) towards political parties in a multi-party system. Using data from an original survey of nearly 1500 Canadians, it considers the questions of how personality traits are related to positive and negative partisanship, as well as how these traits drive partisanship towards the four major parties in English Canada’s national party system. It uses more comprehensive measures of personality than does similar previous work – specifically, it employs the HEXACO model of personality, measured through a 60-item battery. Data reveal that personality is an important driver or both positive and negative partisanship, that it effect the two types of partisanship differently and that different traits are associated with support for, or opposition to, each of Canada’s major political parties. These findings demonstrate the importance of personality for understanding partisanship, but these relationships are complex and party-specific in a multi-party setting.
How do personality traits relate to positive and negative partisanship? R Michael McGregor, @thelagnum.bsky.social & Scott Pruysers examine this in-depth suing data from Canada. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/dxkV3WB
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #ECRs
Is there a gender gap in satisfaction with monetary policy? @carogarriga.bsky.social examines attitudes towards the Bank of England, finding a small, but statistically significant, gender gap. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/csFA8X0
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com
Abstract The debate about how corruption is linked to political trust is ongoing. The recent conceptualization of sexual corruption calls for the exploration of how gendered experiences of corruption affect trust levels. This study proposes that the sex in sexual corruption, compared to monetary bribes, changes the dynamics of the relationship between service-seeker and provider. The lock-in effects and feelings of betrayal break political trust in a more pronounced way than conventional corruption does. The cross-sectional analyses of individuals in 27 European countries show that both women and men exposed to sexual corruption have less trust in their government compared to non-victims and compared to service-seekers in conventional corruption. These findings enhance our understanding of the corruption-trust nexus and suggest that the magnitude of sexual corruption cases hitherto overlooked, more than causing individual suffering, might have far-reaching and negative consequences for the quality of democracy.
Sexual Corruption and Political (Dis)trust - Sofia Jonsson explores how gendered experiences of corruption affect trust levels. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/SyS464H
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsci #polsky #democracy
How do age & education shape non-institutional forms of #politicalparticipation? Oliveira, Ribeiro & Carvalho examine how self-rated health & civic engagement are moderated by age & education in South Europe. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/OoNL2B6
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social
Abstract Rising public dissatisfaction with representative democracy has sparked interest in bottom-up forms of direct democracy, such as citizens’ initiatives. Yet, systematic data on actual practice remain scarce. This article maps citizens’ initiatives across 46 Council of Europe states, covering both agenda initiatives and citizen-initiated referendums. Drawing on an original database of nearly 7’000 initiatives launched between 1990 and 2020, we reveal significantly higher levels of initiative activity than previously documented, primarily driven by agenda initiatives. However, we also identify high attrition rates: many proposals fail at admissibility or signature stages, with only a small fraction ultimately approved. These findings complicate prevailing assumptions about direct democracy’s accessibility and impact, highlighting obstacles that undermine the potential for democratic innovation. By identifying these challenges, this research contributes to deeper understanding of how institutional design impacts on democratic practice in contemporary Europe.
Rising public dissatisfaction with representative democracy has sparked interest in bottom-up forms of direct democracy, so D Moeckli, F Mendez, M Labud & N Reimann map the European landscape of citizen's initiatives: buff.ly/U9s25s9 (OPEN ACCESS)
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsci
Can the impact of economic crises on political trust be mitigated? @charlotteboucher.fr studies the effect of different measures of social support on trust during the #COVID19 pandemic in Europe. More: buff.ly/Qh0SqBo
@sciencespo-cee.bsky.social @eurofound.europa.eu @polstudiesassoc.bsky.social
Abstract The exposure to the automation risk on the labour market is strongly correlated with support for the radical right. In this article, we investigate whether this political realignment is mirrored by a change in individuals’ core political values. We test the impact of different occupational trajectories of the automation ‘losers’ on their socialist-laissez faire and libertarian-authoritarian values using long-run panel data (BHPS 1991–2008). Furthermore, we test the mediating role of status anxiety in the relation between the threat of technological replaceability and political values using structural equation models in a cross-sectional setup (ISSP). Against our main expectations, we do not observe a significant authoritarian turn among routine workers, whereas job loss leads to stronger pro-redistribution stances, and career ‘upgrading’ prompts a libertarian and laissez-faire turn. Status anxiety is found to poorly mediate the correlation between automation risk and authoritarian values, while primarily driving routine workers’ socialist stances on economic issues.
Automation ‘losers’ prefer the radical right, but have they become more authoritarian? @gregoriobuzzelli.bsky.social, @francesconicoli.bsky.social & S Sacchi find no deep ideological shift among routine workers: buff.ly/fN1NdcM
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com
How often do ethnic elites use grievance frames online? @frederikgremler.bsky.social, Lea Haiges, @nilsweidmann.bsky.social & Christina Zuber examine 646k posts showing such frames are rare & track political, not economic, inequality. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/swifESz
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social
Abstract Ideological control is widely adopted in authoritarian regimes and is often seen as a top-down process. This article advances an alternative view that focuses on its bottom-up part, where firms not only comply with state power but also utilize the control to advance their interests. We substantiate this claim by studying how firms reacted to the policy shift in China during 2017–2018. Using an original firm-year-level panel data set and difference-in-differences as causal identification, we show that Chinese firms engage in party-building activities in the face of rising ideological control, with large firms showing more prominent response than small firms. We conduct further mechanism analysis to show their incentives: firms exhibit political loyalty as a means of self-preservation, but they also leverage such control measures to serve their interests. These findings elucidate the bilateral interactions between firms and the state in durable authoritarian regimes.
Politics for Survival: W Lu, S Fan & W Chen examine ideological control in authoritarian regimes from a bottom-up perspective, wherein firms not only comply but also utilize the control to advance their interests: buff.ly/GPEToGx
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com
How do youth bulges reshape political participation in Africa? @michaelkumove.bsky.social & Karin Dyrstad examine age-period-cohort effects showing rising protest & declining turnout as youth ratios grow. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/oj4oX4t
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social #ECRs
Abstract Politicians regularly claim to represent groups of citizens, shaping how these groups feel represented. However, most existing studies focus on groups deemed ‘deserving’ of representation or analyze claims made in election manifestos. This study therefore examines the temporal dynamics of politicians’ claims of representation, including both deserving and undeserving portrayals. Using advanced natural language processing methods, we analyze Belgian (Flemish) politicians’ claims on Facebook from 2014 to 2024. Our findings highlight three insights: (1) politicians claim to represent a diverse range of groups, but some face exclusionary claims (e.g. migrants, the rich) or are ignored (e.g. men, sexual minorities); (2) the frequency and focus of claims shift over time, often responding to elections and crises; and (3) inter-party differences in claims-making are more pronounced during non-election periods but narrow as elections approach. This study thereby shows that analyzing temporal dynamics reveals critical patterns in politicians’ representative claims-making.
Who deserves representation, and when? August De Mulder, Ine Gevers & @zeljkopoljak.bsky.social unpack the temporal dynamics of politicians’ claims of representation on social media: buff.ly/F8kabYP
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #ECRs
How to move beyond capitalism from within capitalism? Aiste Pagirenaite argues that the capitalist state can be used strategically by prefigurative organisations to build better - sustainable, democratic, and fairer - futures. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/Fg0jZUW
@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polisky
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Labour intensive geographies don’t just host vulnerable workers — they create the conditions for shared anxieties and shared narratives. And those narratives increasingly align with the radical right.
#RadicalRight #EconomiesOfResentment #ExclusionaryPolitics