Not a member of the Theory section yet? Please join and vote! If elected, I would look forward to your contributions as I seek to build stronger bridges between theory and research, between theory and practice, and between sociology and other disciplines.
6/6
Below, I further elaborate on some of the ideas expressed in the mentioned essay:
ojs.letras.up.pt/index.php/So...
Also, I am now producing an article-length version of the essay's original argument.
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solidarity can be advanced in the face of such crises. It is the condensed expression of sociology’s distinctive scientific mission. In that spirit, I would promote sociological theory not only within the discipline but across the wider social sciences as well.
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respond to the multi-layered crises of the declining world order—wars, climate catastrophes, financial instability, deepening inequality, and intensifying authoritarianism and racism.
Theory also enables sociology to synthesize the strongest insights of multiple disciplines and clarify how
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“Of Elephants and Scholars,” I outlined a proposal to reorganize this exchange in a more reflexive way. As the Chair of the Theory section, I would advance this conversation by organizing panels, online sessions, and call for papers on how sociology should
www.academia.edu/126901783/Of...
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Fellow sociologists...
Please note that I am running for Chair of the ASA’s Theory section. Here is my statement:
Theory is not simply a subfield of sociology but the integrative force that brings our disparate research programmes into a contentious yet productive dialogue. In a recent essay,
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which raises questions for the analysis of both the US and other cases.
Birdal has been using, and simultaneously criticizing, the "articulation" framework, so I am very curious about his theoretical interventions too!
I am looking forward to this talk by Sinan Birdal.
American movements have become paradigmatic for studying all other sexual liberation movements. A German angle uncovers the deep engagement of socialists with those movements as early as the 19th-century,
events.berkeley.edu/ies/event/31...
Thank you. It should be available free of charge here: berkeley.academia.edu/CihanTugal
If not, you can email me at ctugal@berkeley and I'll send you a copy.
Like his imitators, Orbán kept on undermining and mocking institutions. If this were the key to his success, he would still be in power. Perhaps analysts should pay more attention to far-right leaders that share the strategies Orbán chose (or was structurally pushed) to abandon or marginalize. 5/5
its farcical repetitions (e.g. January 8) cannot produce these results, and are fundamentally different from the mobilizations organized by Fidesz in the 2000s and 2010s.
newpol.org/issue_post/c...
One reason why Fidesz lost its appeal was its move away from these distinguishing characteristics. 4/
elsewhere. Unlike their Hungarian (and Turkish, Indian, and Israeli) counterparts, American and Brazilian far-right movements and leaders, for instance, have no appetite for persistent generation of mass employment, mass welfare, and mass organization. Occasional outbursts such as January 6 and
3/
of institutions. I argued in the piece below that what really distinguished Fidesz was its counter-market policies of mass-oriented provision.
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
Fidesz also engaged in mass organization beyond occasional outbursts which is the bread and butter of far-rightists 2/
Orbán was admired by right-wing populists in the US and elsewhere. Even though Orbán allegedly “inspired” them, most other far-rightists did not really imitate his regime beyond its superficial traits. Like most critics of Orbán, they reduced Fidesz success to the leader's undermining and mockery 1/
If you are in the Bay Area, join us for a discussion on how to stand with Iranians against imperialism and tyranny.
www.eastbaydsa.org/events/5091/...
Iranian comrades say:
It's our *primary* imperative to stop this imperialist war.
At the same time, we should honor the decades-long struggle of the Iranian people for social and political freedom from their rulers.
www.instagram.com/reel/DXAyx0_...
This paper on populism is now in print as LEAD ARTICLE (after the presidential address).
tandfonline.com/toc/utsq20/6...
Volume 67, issue 2, of TSQ is now LIVE, featuring articles by @cihantugal.bsky.social, @jonathansmucker.bsky.social, @jcallahanbryant.bsky.social, @katherinefurl.bsky.social, @haphazardsoc.bsky.social, @criminovelist.bsky.social, @chinyereagbai.bsky.social, and more!
Read it at bit.ly/4m4hdXD
I am currently working on a paper where I use Habermas as a foil to argue for a post-capital and post-state sociology but a fuller engagement will have to wait for a book-length treatment of contemporary theory. 4/4
groundwork for his ultimate break with Western Marxism, or rather with his restricted, non-Gramscian version of it. Given his theoretical and scholarly adventure, the politics of his last years is not surprising. Despite all that, he is one of the master synthesizers of the post-Parsonsian era. 3/4
on the public sphere. But the full significance of that text is graspable only if you read the Theory of Communicative Action. The latter is probably the best book ever on the relationship between functionalism and the phenomenological tradition. His reflective rethinking of both lays the 2/4
Habermas is a mixed bag. I’ve been teaching him forever, although I had to stop assigning him to undergraduate students because he alienates them from the academia with his uncommunicative (!) prose. My sociology shaped up as a counterpoint to his. His best work is unquestionably his treatise 1/4
ONLINE FIRST
In this new TSQ article, Cihan Tuğal (@cihantugal.bsky.social), Jonathan Smucker, and Kip Roberts examine how emotions shape boundary work among populists and anti-populists within the Republican and Democratic parties.
Read more at bit.ly/4cg6ir2
The key to the reconstruction of the social sciences lies in the resolution of these tensions…
2) the underemphasized continuities and breaks between the two paradigms; 3) and the unresolved tensions in his late thought, especially in regards to the relationship of Marxism to race and colonialism, 3b) reconsidered in light of his ongoing commitment to labor. +
My tribute to and critical analysis of Michael Burawoy, published as the lead article in Sociologia. The heart of the piece is a discussion of 1) why/how Burawoy transitioned from his early, “labor process”-focused research programme to a “counter-market” one; ++
ojs.letras.up.pt/index.php/So...
Also, states usually create, feed, use, and occasionally crown the people they call "terrorists."
sociology.berkeley.edu/sites/defaul...
spectrejournal.com/the-evolutio...
"state terror"
Springsteen's wording here reminds us of a basic fact:
Despite their frequent vitriol against "terrorists," empires and states are the greatest terrorists in human history.
Syria's HTS is gearing up for its third round of ethnic cleansing with full Western guardianship. For a discussion of the first two rounds, and a sociological explanation of why Western powers would support such murderous forces, see this essay:
@jonathansmucker.bsky.social