Recent elections in Bulgaria make this debate especially timely. Join us!

The pattern is repeating all the time: new faces arrive with promises, but rarely manage to fulfill them or are co-opted. Trust erodes once again. Dissatisfaction builds up. A crisis emerges. A new protest and a new political cycle follow.

1989–1990 – protests and votes for SDS
1997 – protests and a vote for the ODS
2001 and 2009 – protest votes for NDSV and GERB
2013 – three mass protest waves
2020 – protests and a fragmented protest vote
2025–2026 – protests again and a new protest vote for the Radev's "Progressive Bulgaria"

As a result, trust in institutions periodically collapses, only to be “restored” through mass protests and votes for new (challenger and movement-) parties.

Why? One explanation is the critical juncture in 1989. The elites have failed to consistently deliver the two main goals of democratization: rule of law and economic prosperity for all.

Unlike Western democracies, where electoral behaviour is driven by structural preferences and cleavages, in Bulgaria the driving force is different— protest. Both in the streets and at the ballot box.

Elections in #Bulgaria confirms again the regime logic of "protest democracy". Since 1989, the system renewal with new political party and mass protests every 5-7 years. And yet, it is unclear what lies ahead.

Join us to discuss what is going on in Bulgaria and Serbia.

Let’s discuss two massive protest waves reshaping political dynamics in Serbia and Bulgaria and what they reveal about contemporary movements worldwide.

Upcoming ipb debate 📣 On 23 April at 4:00 pm, @ivodinev.bsky.social ( @zois.bsky.social ) will speak about the #GenZ #protests in #Bulgaria and #Serbia, focusing on their aims and outcomes. Please register by April 22nd to participate in this online event: buff.ly/9acWinZ
More info: buff.ly/eU9ChGS

Serbiens Jugend protestiert mit einer Strategie, die der Westen fast vergessen hat 300.000 Menschen auf der Straße, eine eigene Wahlliste, klassenübergreifende Allianzen von Studierenden bis Landwirten: In Serbien wächst eine Protestbewegung, die das Vučić-Regime bedroht.

“Serbia’s youth are protesting with a strategy that the West has almost forgotten.”

I said this in an interview with the German outlet Krautreporter.

More and more, I am convinced that the rest of the world has much to learn from the civic energy and democratic resilience of Balkan societies.

It will be a pleasure to discuss the protest waves in the Balkan region at the American University in Bulgaria.

Labour unrest in the context of multiple crises: a comparative perspective of Europe By presenting the first comparative data of trade union and workers’ protests since Covid-19, based on local sources, this article attempts to fill a significant gap in the empirical research on cr...

Our open-access article in @socmovstudies.bsky.social presents new dataset of workers’ protests in Europe since Covid-19.

We find:
• High levels of protest
• Two alliance patterns
• Diverging protest repertoires
• Cross-national differences in public vs. private sector mobilization

Ελπίδα οι μαζικές διαμαρτυρίες - Documento Πολ­λές από τις φετι­νές δια­μαρ­τυ­ρίες στα Βαλκάνια είχαν αιτήματα ηθι­κής

2025 was a year of the protest in the Balkans. From Serbia to Greece, N Macedonia and Bulgaria, to name the most massive waves. A short summary in Greek.

Thursday the 5th of February at 18:00
Registration: jean-michel.de.waele@ulb.be

Why Bulgaria Became a Success Story for the Gen Z Protests ZOiS Spotlight 2/2026 | Ivaylo Dinev

Some Gen Z protest waves fail to translate into political outcomes, while others succeed.

Bulgaria’s ended with a government resignation in under 3 weeks.

I discuss the key factors that made this protest a success story: from organisation to political opportunity.

Spotlight for @zois.bsky.social

What is going on in Bulgaria? An in-depth article by the independent Spanish media CTXT, including an interview with me, on the mass protests, the role of Gen Z, and the current political crisis.

1. The protests focused on rejecting arrogant political behavior and the theft of public money through corruption schemes. This united a highly fragmented opposition and citizens across income levels, ethnicities, and religions. Protests spread nationwide and to the Bulgarian diaspora across Europe.

5. Most participants rejected aggressive or violent tactics, despite the presence of radical groups. Nonviolent resistance proved effective — though protests may continue or escalate into civil disobedience if systemic change does not follow.

4. Instead of exhausting daily protests or university occupations, mobilisation happened once per week. Within two weeks, turnout grew from around 100,000 to 200,000–300,000. 3 to 5% of the general population!

3. The opposition handled logistics (permits, security, stage, speakers), but the protests avoided a party image: no party flags or slogans. The stage remained open to speakers from diverse social groups.

2. TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook became the main tools of mobilisation. Influencers amplified calls to protest, making participation socially attractive — protesting became “cool.”

What just happened in Bulgaria and what other countries can learn from it:

In just two weeks, mass protests forced the government to resign. Five key strategies👇

Mass protests in Bulgaria forced a government resignation, showing their effectiveness. Yet resignations often act as safety valves, letting ruling parties to regroup. Since 1989, this has locked the country in a recurring cycle of crisis and protest without breaking underlying power structures.

Tonight, Sofia is seeing its largest demonstration since 1990. Rallies are unfolding across the country against state capture and corruption, demanding the government’s resignation and new elections.

Reach: this protest stands out through the strong participation of the youngest (16 to 25). For the first time, a large number of voices from the Turkish and Roma minorities have also become visible, openly speaking out against the oligarchic elites who have long instrumentalized their communities.

Timing: While Facebook-driven protests needed weeks to gain momentum—usually after being picked up by national TV—TikTok turns an issue viral within a few hours.

Scale: Earlier protest waves in Bulgaria often became enclosed within specific social groups, mostly the urban middle-classes. Now TikTok spreads the mobilisation across people with different incomes, views, and ethnic backgrounds.

Protests after 2008 were primarily organised on Facebook. In other countries, Twitter also played a key role. Today, the main arena is TikTok. This changes the scale, timing, and reach of mobilization.

TikTok has changed the game. 100,000–150,000 people from diverse backgrounds protested in Bulgaria mobilised mainly through TikTok by influencers, activists, and the opposition. The platform has become a central engine for rapid mass mobilisation. What does this mean for social movement studies?