And if a PM fails to act on a minister who has lost the confidence of their colleagues, that inevitably affects, to some degree, the confidence in the PM etc.

I see these these confidence relationships existing in parallel — both confidence of Cabinet colleagues and caucus colleagues. Ultimately, this confidence is expressed via the PM as they determine office etc; but the pressure and any loss of confidence bubbles up through those relationships.

And*

Keep pressing him, media folk; keep pressing him.

Matters of confidence are as much fair game as the government’s priorities, proposals and actions — as confidence is the essential precondition of stewardship of government and the prerogative to pursue those priorities etc.

Hence, questioning the PM on matters which speak to the maintenance of confidence is an essential aspect of our system of responsible government. And it goes without saying that it is part of the accountability expected of the PM and other ministers.

An importantly, as is being explored here, the PM and ministers must maintain the confidence of their Cabinet and caucus colleagues to maintain their warrants of office.

MPs must have confidence in the grouping of parties that form government, expressed in votes implicating confidence and supply.

Our whole political and constitutional system is built on interlocking relationships of confidence. The public must have confidence in their MPs, expressed every 3 years at general elections.

The media should not desist from pressing the PM on whether his colleagues continue to have confidence in him — whether he likes it or not.

Luxon’s attempt to refocus the media is constitutionally misplaced. Confidence is the lifeblood of government. And the media have a legitimate interest in interrogating changing dynamics in confidence.

Press conf: Was a vote at his motion; he won. Blames media first everything, walks off.

Curious re your view based on recent jurisprudence etc?

Also, did you hear Ben Thomas on Nine to Noon arguing there’s no meaningful difference in (judicial) practice between a take-into-account etc clause and a give-effect-clause? My take is that must be wrong — and certainly is according judicial review principle and from the seminal Treaty cases?

We should scribble something on this point?

+1

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This heavy use of urgency — shortcuts in the parliamentary process — is cheating democracy. And ministers know it too.

Govt sets new record for bills skipping select committees No government since at least 1987 has passed 30 or more laws without a select committee vet – until the coalition last month, Marc Daalder reports.

No government since at least 1987 has passed 30 or more laws without a select committee vet – until the coalition last month.
newsroom.co.nz/2026/04/16/g...

Court of Appeal releases decision on the interpretation of the alterations covenant in a standard-form residential cross-lease, providing guidance on when consent to alterations will be unreasonably withheld.

sen.nz/fpm9j4

Please stop! I’ve turned you off via the settings 3 times over the last 3 days and each time you return from the dead — unprompted! 💀

Judge Ema Aitken, accused of yelling at Winston Peters, won't be removed from job, panel rules Her actions were a "serious breach of comity" but doesn't justify her being removed, a panel has found.

Judge Ema Aitken, accused of yelling at Winston Peters, won't be removed from job, panel rules

New constitutional acquisition...
#fitsinmytoppocket

Just under a week for paper and panel submissions for our ICON-S Aus-NZ chapter conference -- being held at @vicuniwgtn.bsky.social in late August 2026. 🤓

Also notable is the expectation that MPs would decide on fresh election, avoiding any need for GovGen to do so. This suggests that the reserve power to dissolve in such circumstances is effectively in abeyance. That marks us out differently from other Comm realms, I think?