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The debate about how corruption is linked to political trust is ongoing. The recent conceptualization of sexual corruption calls for the exploration of how gendered experiences of corruption affect trust levels. This study proposes that the sex in sexual corruption, compared to monetary bribes, changes the dynamics of the relationship between service-seeker and provider. The lock-in effects and feelings of betrayal break political trust in a more pronounced way than conventional corruption does. The cross-sectional analyses of individuals in 27 European countries show that both women and men exposed to sexual corruption have less trust in their government compared to non-victims and compared to service-seekers in conventional corruption. These findings enhance our understanding of the corruption-trust nexus and suggest that the magnitude of sexual corruption cases hitherto overlooked, more than causing individual suffering, might have far-reaching and negative consequences for the quality of democracy.

Abstract The debate about how corruption is linked to political trust is ongoing. The recent conceptualization of sexual corruption calls for the exploration of how gendered experiences of corruption affect trust levels. This study proposes that the sex in sexual corruption, compared to monetary bribes, changes the dynamics of the relationship between service-seeker and provider. The lock-in effects and feelings of betrayal break political trust in a more pronounced way than conventional corruption does. The cross-sectional analyses of individuals in 27 European countries show that both women and men exposed to sexual corruption have less trust in their government compared to non-victims and compared to service-seekers in conventional corruption. These findings enhance our understanding of the corruption-trust nexus and suggest that the magnitude of sexual corruption cases hitherto overlooked, more than causing individual suffering, might have far-reaching and negative consequences for the quality of democracy.

Sexual Corruption and Political (Dis)trust - Sofia Jonsson explores how gendered experiences of corruption affect trust levels. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/SyS464H

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsci #polsky #democracy

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Abstract
Rising public dissatisfaction with representative democracy has sparked interest in bottom-up forms of direct democracy, such as citizens’ initiatives. Yet, systematic data on actual practice remain scarce. This article maps citizens’ initiatives across 46 Council of Europe states, covering both agenda initiatives and citizen-initiated referendums. Drawing on an original database of nearly 7’000 initiatives launched between 1990 and 2020, we reveal significantly higher levels of initiative activity than previously documented, primarily driven by agenda initiatives. However, we also identify high attrition rates: many proposals fail at admissibility or signature stages, with only a small fraction ultimately approved. These findings complicate prevailing assumptions about direct democracy’s accessibility and impact, highlighting obstacles that undermine the potential for democratic innovation. By identifying these challenges, this research contributes to deeper understanding of how institutional design impacts on democratic practice in contemporary Europe.

Abstract Rising public dissatisfaction with representative democracy has sparked interest in bottom-up forms of direct democracy, such as citizens’ initiatives. Yet, systematic data on actual practice remain scarce. This article maps citizens’ initiatives across 46 Council of Europe states, covering both agenda initiatives and citizen-initiated referendums. Drawing on an original database of nearly 7’000 initiatives launched between 1990 and 2020, we reveal significantly higher levels of initiative activity than previously documented, primarily driven by agenda initiatives. However, we also identify high attrition rates: many proposals fail at admissibility or signature stages, with only a small fraction ultimately approved. These findings complicate prevailing assumptions about direct democracy’s accessibility and impact, highlighting obstacles that undermine the potential for democratic innovation. By identifying these challenges, this research contributes to deeper understanding of how institutional design impacts on democratic practice in contemporary Europe.

Rising public dissatisfaction with representative democracy has sparked interest in bottom-up forms of direct democracy, so D Moeckli, F Mendez, M Labud & N Reimann map the European landscape of citizen's initiatives: buff.ly/U9s25s9 (OPEN ACCESS)

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsci

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⭐️ A great moment at #ecprjs26 today!

2 Workshops joined forces on AI, LLMs & #Polsci

• Using LLMs and Other AI Tools to Gather and Analyse Political Elite Networks
• From Code to Conversation: What LLMs Mean for Political Science @markus-gastinger.eu

📸 Get a glimpse of the session in action 👇

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Book cover of "Anti-Asian Racism and the COVID-19 Pandemic in Canada," edited by Chandrima Chakraborty, Sibo Chen, Muyang Li, Guida Man, and X. Alvin Yang. Teal background with stylized coronavirus particles. Title and editors' names in white text.

Book cover of "Anti-Asian Racism and the COVID-19 Pandemic in Canada," edited by Chandrima Chakraborty, Sibo Chen, Muyang Li, Guida Man, and X. Alvin Yang. Teal background with stylized coronavirus particles. Title and editors' names in white text.

New edited volume by Postdoc Xiao Alvin Yang,
@chandrima-c.bsky.social, Sibo Chen, Muyang Li, Guida Man. 📘

"Anti-Asian #Racism and the #COVID19 Pandemic in Canada" examines a recent rise in anti-Asian racism and community strategies of defence and solidarity.

🔗 buff.ly/ECMmxH2

#HistSci #PolSci

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10th Symposium: International Association of the Study of Silk Road Textiles (IASSRT) (Deadline April 15, 2026) | MPIWG International Association of the Study of Silk Road Textiles (IASSRT) Symposium (Deadline April 15, 2026)

📣 Call for Papers: 10th IASSRT Symposium on "Textiles as Knowledge Systems: Practice, Codification, and Transfer" (Sept 16–18, 2026) 🧵🪡

🔗 buff.ly/1X6kBGP

🗓️ Deadline: Apr 15, 2026

#PolSci #Archeology #HistArt #HistSTM #SocSci

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The Ethics of Public Health Paternalism Martin Wilkinson’s book The Ethics of Public Health Paternalism is a normative analysis of paternalistic governmental policies within liberal...

Oh boy, why not just sit in your armchair & cut your toe nails? #PhilSky #PolSci #BookSky | #welfare #economics

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Marriage of Love? Cross‐Fertilisation Between Illiberalism and Euroscepticism The article contributes to the conceptual mapping of the interaction between Euroscepticism and illiberalism, suggesting that there is a mutual reinforcement process between them. The overlaps cover ...

New in JCMS: Marriage of Love? by Hloušek & Havlík explores how illiberalism & Euroscepticism increasingly reinforce each other in European politics. A sharp, timely piece on sovereignty, values, & party competition.

Read open access here: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/...

#EU #PolSci #JCMS

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Abstract
Does variation in local economic environments help explain why some areas exhibit systematically higher support for radical-right parties? To address this question, I focus on two drivers related to the type of industry where individuals work and socially interact. First, in contrast to knowledge-based industries, labour-intensive industries are characterised by a clustering of individuals with high job vulnerability and low education. Second, when they coincide spatially, these two socioeconomic characteristics give rise to nativist preferences and exclusionary attitudes, which drive support for radical-right parties. I test these claims with two empirical strategies. In geographical municipal-level data from Spain, I confirm that support for radical-right parties is determined by exposure to labour-intensive activities such as certain sectors of agriculture and tourism. In addition, survey data from 17 European democracies confirm that working in labour-intensive industries boosts the roles of job vulnerability and education in developing and expressing exclusionary political behaviours.

Abstract Does variation in local economic environments help explain why some areas exhibit systematically higher support for radical-right parties? To address this question, I focus on two drivers related to the type of industry where individuals work and socially interact. First, in contrast to knowledge-based industries, labour-intensive industries are characterised by a clustering of individuals with high job vulnerability and low education. Second, when they coincide spatially, these two socioeconomic characteristics give rise to nativist preferences and exclusionary attitudes, which drive support for radical-right parties. I test these claims with two empirical strategies. In geographical municipal-level data from Spain, I confirm that support for radical-right parties is determined by exposure to labour-intensive activities such as certain sectors of agriculture and tourism. In addition, survey data from 17 European democracies confirm that working in labour-intensive industries boosts the roles of job vulnerability and education in developing and expressing exclusionary political behaviours.

New article: “Labour-intensive geographies and support for radical right parties” by Rubén Ruiz-Rufino (@rubenruizrufino.bsky.social)

Read OPEN ACCESS in full: buff.ly/s0tHwdy

Summary by author in thread below 🧵👇

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

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Do far-right parties moderate or diversify their agendas over time? Belén Fernández-García examines Western Europe (1990–2025), showing stronger nativism alongside broader socioeconomic appeals. Read more: buff.ly/f5IW8Ln

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #FarRightPolitics

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To communicate scientific research, we need to confront motivated ignorance - LSE Impact The idea that ignorance is the outcome of a deficit of correct information is persistent, especially for academics working in an environment where learning and the acquisition of new knowledge are…

🗃️From the archive: "When societal ignorance is rational motivated ignorance, the solution cannot be ordinary forms of knowledge dissemination"

#SciComm #AcademicSky #PolSci

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Abstract
Authoritarian legislatures are often portrayed as “rubber stamps” that merely formalize predetermined decisions. Yet growing evidence suggests that they can influence policy through deliberation and bill modification. This study investigates legislative modification in China’s National People’s Congress. Drawing on an original dataset of 133 bill–law pairs enacted between 2008 and 2023, we employ an improved minimum edit-distance algorithm to quantify textual change and identify conditions that generate more extensive modification. Results reveal that Congress has become proactive in shaping legislative outcomes. Party attention and public concern significantly amplify modification, whereas bureaucratic fragmentation constrains it. A qualitative case study of the Food Safety Law illustrates how bureaucratic competition creates drafting ambiguity, while public concern weakens departmental interests and facilitates consensus. These findings demonstrate that bill modification functions as a mechanism of controlled coordination that reconciles party priorities, societal pressures, and bureaucratic fragmentation within a centralized authoritarian policymaking system.

Abstract Authoritarian legislatures are often portrayed as “rubber stamps” that merely formalize predetermined decisions. Yet growing evidence suggests that they can influence policy through deliberation and bill modification. This study investigates legislative modification in China’s National People’s Congress. Drawing on an original dataset of 133 bill–law pairs enacted between 2008 and 2023, we employ an improved minimum edit-distance algorithm to quantify textual change and identify conditions that generate more extensive modification. Results reveal that Congress has become proactive in shaping legislative outcomes. Party attention and public concern significantly amplify modification, whereas bureaucratic fragmentation constrains it. A qualitative case study of the Food Safety Law illustrates how bureaucratic competition creates drafting ambiguity, while public concern weakens departmental interests and facilitates consensus. These findings demonstrate that bill modification functions as a mechanism of controlled coordination that reconciles party priorities, societal pressures, and bureaucratic fragmentation within a centralized authoritarian policymaking system.

Are authoritarian legislatures mere rubber stamps? Hui Yang, Xiaohong Yu & Jiangrui Liu examine China’s Congress, showing bill revisions respond to party attention and public concern despite bureaucratic constraints. Read more: buff.ly/tz24G8f

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

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Abstract
How are subjective perceptions of economic status related to public support for social welfare? I argue that the negative psychological costs associated with perceived relative deprivation lead individuals to prioritize immediate over long-term income gains. Consequently, those who perceive themselves as having low status are less likely to sacrifice a part of their current income to fund welfare policies with long-delayed benefits. I test this argument using two waves of the Life in Transition Survey and two more recent waves of the British Election Survey. In line with my argument, I find that, although a lower sense of subjective economic status correlates with preferences for reducing inequality, the lower individuals place themselves in the economic hierarchy, the less likely they are to support a tax increase to finance spending on education, poverty assistance, and healthcare. While subjective perceptions of low economic status increase demand for equality, they may also limit the government’s ability to redistribute economic resources if citizens are unwilling to share the burden of social welfare. The findings suggest a subjective limit to the scope conditions of welfare state reform and the politics of fiscal solidarity and redistribution.

Abstract How are subjective perceptions of economic status related to public support for social welfare? I argue that the negative psychological costs associated with perceived relative deprivation lead individuals to prioritize immediate over long-term income gains. Consequently, those who perceive themselves as having low status are less likely to sacrifice a part of their current income to fund welfare policies with long-delayed benefits. I test this argument using two waves of the Life in Transition Survey and two more recent waves of the British Election Survey. In line with my argument, I find that, although a lower sense of subjective economic status correlates with preferences for reducing inequality, the lower individuals place themselves in the economic hierarchy, the less likely they are to support a tax increase to finance spending on education, poverty assistance, and healthcare. While subjective perceptions of low economic status increase demand for equality, they may also limit the government’s ability to redistribute economic resources if citizens are unwilling to share the burden of social welfare. The findings suggest a subjective limit to the scope conditions of welfare state reform and the politics of fiscal solidarity and redistribution.

Do perceptions of low economic status limit support for welfare taxes? Laura Lungu examines survey data showing those feeling poorer favour equality yet resist tax rises to fund welfare. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/nM7pOL3

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #WelfarePolitics

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Article abstract: Can losers of once-in-a-generation referenda ever regain faith in democracy? Previous research indicates that elections and referenda can both lower losers’ satisfaction with democracy and increase that of the winners. As long as people win some in addition to losing some, there appears to be little concern that satisfaction will polarize along partisan lines. However, for once-in-a-generation referenda such as Britain’s EU Referendum, there is little chance for losers to chalk up a compensatory win, potentially exacerbating and solidifying the winner-loser gap. This research note extends previous research into the consequences of Britain’s EU Referendum on satisfaction with democracy by analyzing 5 years of panel data across the Brexit period—from the referendum announcement through to the UK’s exit from the EU. Our analyses demonstrate dramatic swings in winners’ and losers’ satisfaction with democracy across those 5 years, often corresponding with Brexit-related events. Most tellingly, after the United Kingdom finally left the EU, there is a notable, though modest, continuation of the winner-loser gap initially triggered by the EU Referendum outcome—suggesting once-in-a-generation referenda can durably fracture democratic satisfaction in ways regular elections do not. These findings have implications for democracies contemplating major constitutional or sovereignty referenda.

Article abstract: Can losers of once-in-a-generation referenda ever regain faith in democracy? Previous research indicates that elections and referenda can both lower losers’ satisfaction with democracy and increase that of the winners. As long as people win some in addition to losing some, there appears to be little concern that satisfaction will polarize along partisan lines. However, for once-in-a-generation referenda such as Britain’s EU Referendum, there is little chance for losers to chalk up a compensatory win, potentially exacerbating and solidifying the winner-loser gap. This research note extends previous research into the consequences of Britain’s EU Referendum on satisfaction with democracy by analyzing 5 years of panel data across the Brexit period—from the referendum announcement through to the UK’s exit from the EU. Our analyses demonstrate dramatic swings in winners’ and losers’ satisfaction with democracy across those 5 years, often corresponding with Brexit-related events. Most tellingly, after the United Kingdom finally left the EU, there is a notable, though modest, continuation of the winner-loser gap initially triggered by the EU Referendum outcome—suggesting once-in-a-generation referenda can durably fracture democratic satisfaction in ways regular elections do not. These findings have implications for democracies contemplating major constitutional or sovereignty referenda.

Do referendum winners stay satisfied? Kris Dunn, Fiona Wang & @chvrakopoulos.bsky.social tracked #Brexit voters over 5 years & found dramatic fluctuations in democratic satisfaction. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/kutzMsK

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #WinnerLoserGap #Referendums #polsci #polisky

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Article abstract: This article employs a novel dataset encompassing all Ministers in Greece from 2000 to 2023, providing new insights into their characteristics before, during and after the economic crisis, with special attention to the comparability of these findings across European contexts. Utilising an innovative and flexible typology that moves beyond traditional dichotomous classifications, we distinguish between technocratic and non-technocratic ministers, considering dimensions such as expertise, partisanship and loyalty to the Prime Minister. Our analysis confirms the growing significance of technocrats – particularly the ‘academic technocrat’ – since the onset of the crisis, a trend that aligns with observations also evident in other European countries. Technocrats in Greece, as elsewhere, are frequently entrusted with portfolios focused on crisis management, further supporting patterns identified in comparative research. The influence of strong Prime Ministers and the rise of coalition governments during crisis explain these developments, mirroring factors found in broader European studies.

Article abstract: This article employs a novel dataset encompassing all Ministers in Greece from 2000 to 2023, providing new insights into their characteristics before, during and after the economic crisis, with special attention to the comparability of these findings across European contexts. Utilising an innovative and flexible typology that moves beyond traditional dichotomous classifications, we distinguish between technocratic and non-technocratic ministers, considering dimensions such as expertise, partisanship and loyalty to the Prime Minister. Our analysis confirms the growing significance of technocrats – particularly the ‘academic technocrat’ – since the onset of the crisis, a trend that aligns with observations also evident in other European countries. Technocrats in Greece, as elsewhere, are frequently entrusted with portfolios focused on crisis management, further supporting patterns identified in comparative research. The influence of strong Prime Ministers and the rise of coalition governments during crisis explain these developments, mirroring factors found in broader European studies.

Has #technocracy reshaped cabinet formation in Greece? Manina Kakepaki & Gerasimos Karoulas examine ministerial careers since 2000, showing the rise of academic technocrats under strong PMs & coalitions. Read more: buff.ly/G4K6blW

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #CrisisPolitics

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Why do some explanations for public budget cuts work better than others? @rtpedersen.bsky.social & Paw Hansen examine how justification-based strategies reduce citizen opposition to cuts. Read more: buff.ly/OmXMu7k

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Article abstract: How do collective memories of war shape inter-group social attitudes in post-conflict societies? Can the legacy of wartime violence hinder reconciliation for years or even decades after the conflict ends? While prior research shows that war memories influence a range of political processes and outcomes, their effects on how members of formerly opposing groups perceive one another remain underexplored. To address this gap, I conducted a survey experiment in post-war Bosnia, investigating whether the activation of these memories affects hostility toward out-groups. The results show that making war memories salient intensifies hostility, especially among individuals who personally experienced violence during the war. These findings suggest that deeply ingrained war memories pose a significant barrier to reconciliation, but their impact may gradually diminish through the generational replacement of the wartime population.

Article abstract: How do collective memories of war shape inter-group social attitudes in post-conflict societies? Can the legacy of wartime violence hinder reconciliation for years or even decades after the conflict ends? While prior research shows that war memories influence a range of political processes and outcomes, their effects on how members of formerly opposing groups perceive one another remain underexplored. To address this gap, I conducted a survey experiment in post-war Bosnia, investigating whether the activation of these memories affects hostility toward out-groups. The results show that making war memories salient intensifies hostility, especially among individuals who personally experienced violence during the war. These findings suggest that deeply ingrained war memories pose a significant barrier to reconciliation, but their impact may gradually diminish through the generational replacement of the wartime population.

How do memories of wartime violence affect post-war inter-group attitudes? Dino Hadzic shows war memory activation increases hostility toward out-group members, especially among those who experienced violence firsthand. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/YYghH81

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

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How does migration diplomacy shape attitudes towards immigrants? Cameron Mailhot and @ninaobermeier.com explore a theory of bilateral reciprocity in the context of Kosovo. Read more: buff.ly/fsfSrtR

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Why do citizens support participation but not take part? Steven N. Blok's article shows those favouring direct democracy are less engaged than technocratic or politician-averse groups. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/iYChYKf

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #PoliticalParticipation #eupolitics

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Very excited to listen ti Ian Shapiro live! We do have some rock stars in #polsci too! @uab.cat @dec-gr.bsky.social

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In 2019 EP elections, environmental issues shaped voting across Western Europe. Silvia Bolgherini & Luca Carrieri examine how radical right parties benefitted more than Greens. Read more: buff.ly/Q2xlZlA

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Screenshot of article abstract: Proportional electoral systems, especially when coupled with voluntary party or legislative gender quotas, have been considered beneficial for advancing women’s representation. Extant research on preferential voting in proportional systems, however, yields conflicting evidence. We focus on recent electoral reforms in two German Länder, Hamburg and Bremen, that converted their proportional system from closed to open party lists with preferential voting. Through calculating a counterfactual, we assess the gendered outcomes differentiated between elections, parliaments and parties, to show that party culture plays a pivotal role in shaping the effects of voluntary party quotas within the context of electoral system changes. Our findings underscore the nuanced interaction between electoral system reform and a party’s commitment to gender parity, highlighting the significance of pre-reform party positions and their dedication to prioritizing gender quotas.

Screenshot of article abstract: Proportional electoral systems, especially when coupled with voluntary party or legislative gender quotas, have been considered beneficial for advancing women’s representation. Extant research on preferential voting in proportional systems, however, yields conflicting evidence. We focus on recent electoral reforms in two German Länder, Hamburg and Bremen, that converted their proportional system from closed to open party lists with preferential voting. Through calculating a counterfactual, we assess the gendered outcomes differentiated between elections, parliaments and parties, to show that party culture plays a pivotal role in shaping the effects of voluntary party quotas within the context of electoral system changes. Our findings underscore the nuanced interaction between electoral system reform and a party’s commitment to gender parity, highlighting the significance of pre-reform party positions and their dedication to prioritizing gender quotas.

Do preferential voting reforms weaken gender quotas? @petrahrens.bsky.social & Sabine Lang examine German Länder reforms, arguing party culture shapes whether open lists help or hinder women’s rep. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/3QdrYOh

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #GenderRep #ECRs #polsci

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How does electoral volatility influence party system polarization? Juliusz Gastev explores the relationship in the Latin American context from 1992 to 2018. Read the research note OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/uhmKw12

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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Calling the loss of freedoms and antidemocratization wrought by predatory delay fossil coalition and the broligarchy the Fourth Wave is such sweet comeuppance, I'm almost sad it is probably too niche to catch on as a popular term.

Just putting this out there, on a sunny sunday for you #polsci nerds

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Screenshot of article abstract: The consequences of migration-induced diversity for social cohesion have received significant attention, yet recent research highlights the positive influence of social trust in shaping native-born people’s views on immigration. It remains unclear, however, whether the relationship is partially driven by prosociality, which is closely associated with but distinct from trust, or other confounders. This study uses Swedish twin data to examine these relationships, employing twin fixed effects to control for confounding factors shared within families. The findings show that generalised social trust and several forms of prosocial behaviour are associated with more favourable views on immigration policy, but only the effects of trust remain robust within the identical twin subsample. The influence of trust appears independent of prosociality and primarily relates to immigrant acceptance. Overall, the findings suggest that generalised trust reflects an inclusive outlook. The results are also discussed in light of recent changes in Sweden’s sociopolitical landscape.

Screenshot of article abstract: The consequences of migration-induced diversity for social cohesion have received significant attention, yet recent research highlights the positive influence of social trust in shaping native-born people’s views on immigration. It remains unclear, however, whether the relationship is partially driven by prosociality, which is closely associated with but distinct from trust, or other confounders. This study uses Swedish twin data to examine these relationships, employing twin fixed effects to control for confounding factors shared within families. The findings show that generalised social trust and several forms of prosocial behaviour are associated with more favourable views on immigration policy, but only the effects of trust remain robust within the identical twin subsample. The influence of trust appears independent of prosociality and primarily relates to immigrant acceptance. Overall, the findings suggest that generalised trust reflects an inclusive outlook. The results are also discussed in light of recent changes in Sweden’s sociopolitical landscape.

Does social trust shape immigration policy views? @fqinya.bsky.social examines Swedish twin data, arguing trust, rather than prosociality, drives more inclusive attitudes toward immigrants. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/cT3HmvH

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #ImmigrationPolitics #ECRs

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Screenshot of article abstract: This research examines the programmatic transformations of the far right in Western Europe through two hypothesized mechanisms: the diversification of their agendas, including increased competition on socioeconomic issues, and ideological attenuation, reducing the importance given to their authoritarian and nativist positions. Using data from the Manifesto Project Database (1990–2025), the findings reveal that far-right parties have strengthened their authoritarian and nativist profile in recent decades, particularly during crises related to security and migration. Nevertheless, these parties also have diversified their agendas and placed greater emphasis on socioeconomic issues. As for factors explaining the differences within the far right, participation in national governments is associated with ideological attenuation and thematic diversification, although this effect is not lasting and is limited to contexts in which far-right parties participate as minority partners in governing coalitions.

Screenshot of article abstract: This research examines the programmatic transformations of the far right in Western Europe through two hypothesized mechanisms: the diversification of their agendas, including increased competition on socioeconomic issues, and ideological attenuation, reducing the importance given to their authoritarian and nativist positions. Using data from the Manifesto Project Database (1990–2025), the findings reveal that far-right parties have strengthened their authoritarian and nativist profile in recent decades, particularly during crises related to security and migration. Nevertheless, these parties also have diversified their agendas and placed greater emphasis on socioeconomic issues. As for factors explaining the differences within the far right, participation in national governments is associated with ideological attenuation and thematic diversification, although this effect is not lasting and is limited to contexts in which far-right parties participate as minority partners in governing coalitions.

Do far-right parties moderate or diversify their agendas over time? Belén Fernández-García examines Western Europe (1990–2025), showing stronger nativism alongside broader socioeconomic appeals. Read more: buff.ly/f5IW8Ln

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #FarRightPolitics

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How does republican theory reimagine economic freedom? Sean Irving explores John Francis Bray’s economic republicanism and its implications for markets and justice. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/9HMXM19

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social @sagepub.com #polsky #polsci

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What's wrong with the transition paradigm in environmental politics? Mathias Thaler argues A. Gramsci's concept of an 'interregnum' can help us better understand politics in the Anthropocene. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/nqne2m6

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @edinburghpir.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

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Is meat consumption becoming political? @willemboterman.bsky.social & @eelcoharteveld.bsky.social examine Dutch surveys showing meat eating aligns with right-wing ideology & climate scepticism. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/HR0wNTb

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social @uoypolitics.bsky.social #polisky #polsci

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Do perceptions of low economic status limit support for welfare taxes? Laura Lungu examines survey data showing those feeling poorer favour equality yet resist tax rises to fund welfare. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/VdIYmUB

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #WelfarePolitics

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IN NEW ISSUE: Why do interest organizations network with their opponents? @marcelhanegraaff.bsky.social, Andrea Pritoni, @wmjunk.bsky.social & @michelecrepaz.bsky.social examine the logic of brokerage. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/0JGFJIm

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

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