Human trafficking: The latest RSF violation in the Sudanese war – Ayin network – شبكة عاين Under heavy fire, Adam Ahmed left El Fasher in North Darfur State, coinciding with the late October attack by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in which they seized the army base in the city. However, he did not manage to escape. RSF gunmen arrested him at one of the city’s exits, took him to an unknown location, and demanded a ransom of two million Sudanese pounds, approximately $700 USD, for his release. At that time, Adam – a pseudonym for security purposes – did not have the money to buy a meal, let alone come up with $700 to purchase his freedom. He had been under severe siege inside El Fasher throughout the war, relying on community kitchens and animal feed (locally known as “ambaz”) for his survival. For over a year, the RSF laid siege to the city in a bid to capture the last army-controlled base in the vast, western Darfur region. In late October, the city finally fell to the RSF, but at enormous cost to its residents, including Adam. The Sudan Doctors Network put the death toll from the RSF attack at 1,500 in the first few days after the city’s fall, but the true number could be far higher. Like many citizens trapped in the fighting in El Fasher, Adam was exhausted, hungry, and felt utterly overwhelmed. Having endured months of shelling amidst scarce resources, he found himself kidnapped by RSF gunmen, Adam’s relatives told Ayin. A member of Adam’s family shared a video with Ayin, where Adam appealed to his friends and acquaintances to help him pay the ransom demand and promised to repay the debt as soon as he was released. The video depicted Adam looking worn out and defeated, with bruises and wounds across his body. Eventually, the RSF released Adam after payment, his relatives said. The case of Adam is, unfortunately, far from an exceptional occurrence. Instead, kidnapping civilians, including those displaced by the conflict, has become a new source of income for the RSF soldiers and allied militias. One RSF commander, who spoke to Ayin on the condition of anonymity, revealed that most RSF soldiers do not receive a monthly salary and must “earn from the battlefield.” The RSF source stated that while profiting from the war’s spoils may have been effective in the early stages of the conflict, the ongoing rampant looting has left few individuals in the country with anything left to plunder. Many of those trapped in El Fasher, for instance, relied on relatives abroad to provide support through banking apps as a means of survival. The RSF and allied forces are now targeting this lifeline. Tawila Hassan* is a volunteer who supports the droves of recently conflict-displaced from El Fasher who made the perilous journey to the sprawling displacement settlement in Tawila, North Darfur State. The recent influx of displaced people entering Tawila may be over 750,000 people as of mid-November, according to UN estimates. “Every morning we receive video clips on our phones of citizens who have been kidnapped by the Rapid Support Forces, appealing to good people and their acquaintances to pay the ransom to the gunmen so that they will be released,” Hassan said. “Those fleeing El Fasher have no money or savings, as they have run out of everything they had during the long siege; even their clothes are torn.” According to testimonies collected by Ayin, RSF soldiers randomly detain those fleeing El Fasher, film them, and send the ransom demand videos to the friends and relatives, demanding payment within a certain number of hours. Distraught families have started collection drives, desperate to find ways to cover ransom costs sometimes as high as 4 million Sudanese pounds (around US$ 1,200). Abdullah, a citizen from North Darfur State currently outside of the country, had to pay 6 million Sudanese pounds to ensure the release of several of his relatives who fled the fighting in El Fasher. “According to my observations, there are large numbers of citizens being held by Rapid Support Forces militants, waiting for huge sums of money to be paid for their release. Kidnapping citizens and demanding ransom has become a lucrative business for the Rapid Support Forces in El Fasher and its surroundings, which has increased the suffering of civilians fleeing the hell of war.” Mellit A female medical volunteer who remained in El Fasher throughout the war recalled to Avaaz how she was subjected to strip searches, looting, and extortion by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) while trying to reach Mellit, a town about 60 kilometres north of El Fasher. “We could only travel in RSF vehicles because they were everywhere; there were no other vehicles,” she explained. “We were heading to Mellit, and we were so close that we could see the minarets of the mosques there, but the driver suddenly turned. He drove us into a forest on the side of the main road and stopped the car,” says the medical volunteer. Two Rapid Support Forces soldiers then set up a “Starlink” satellite and demanded that all passengers transfer money or be killed, she said. “They told us to contact our relatives to pay the ransom, but we explained that our phones had been stolen and we hadn’t saved any numbers. They didn’t care.” The RSF started shooting in the air and separated the men from the women, threatening to kill the men. “In the end, they took us back to Mellit at night. They threatened us again, demanding payment. I managed to reach someone who paid me, and most of the others did the same.” Three men were unable to pay and were handcuffed and taken away in an RSF vehicle, she added. “I have no idea what happened to them.” In some cases, the RSF do not guarantee the release of those kidnapped, even if a ransom payment is made. Ishaq Mohamed told Darfur 24 that his family had paid four million Sudanese pounds (US$ 1,200) to secure the release of his nephew. He explained that the abductors had promised to hand over his nephew to Kabkabiya, about 155 kilometres west of El Fasher, but no further contact was made after the money was transferred. “They took the money and disappeared. We do not know if he is alive or dead,” Ibrahim said. Kordofan Similar to what is occurring in El Fasher, widespread kidnappings of civilians and demands for financial ransom have spread in the Kordofan region, especially in the states of North and West Kordofan, where the RSF control large swathes of territory. RSF looting sprees have decreased, local residents in West Kordofan State told Ayin, but kidnappings have increased. According to local sources, more than 12 people were kidnapped from the vicinity of Abu Zabad city in West Kordofan state during the past month. Hassan Mohammed* can recount how the RSF kidnapped him in Abu Zabad earlier this year. A combat vehicle with several armed men wearing RSF military uniforms took him from his home. The armed men initially told him that they were going to take him to the police station because there was a criminal complaint against him. “But I knew without a doubt that they were going to kidnap me,” he told Ayin. As soon as they left town, the gunmen put a hood on his face, and after travelling for more than two hours, they demanded he pay a sum of money if he wanted to return home. “I told them I had no money. They ordered me to open the “Bankak” banking app, but they found it empty of any funds.” They ordered him to contact his family to transfer six million Sudanese pounds (roughly US$ 1765) or they would kill him. But the war had impoverished Hassan and his family. Six million Sudanese pounds was far too much for them to afford, however much they feared for their son. “I remained with them for two days without food, and after difficult negotiations, my relatives were able to transfer 2 million pounds,” he said. “Then they left me on the city’s edge, and after a few hard days, I got back to my family.” Often, armed groups with suspected links to the RSF capture shop owners and people who work in the weekly markets in the Kordofan region. In October, armed men kidnapped five young men from a village outside of Abu Zabad upon their return from a market carrying goods and food supplies. After six days, the young men were released, as reported by their relatives to Ayin. In the same area, a shop owner was kidnapped by gunmen and released a week later after a huge ransom exceeding 30 million pounds was paid, according to a close associate. Lucrative “The phenomenon of kidnapping civilians and demanding ransom is not new,” according to military expert Omar Arbab. “It was present in all the areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces throughout the war, and it came in succession with the widespread looting operations. This behaviour cannot be changed in the near future, as the Rapid Support Forces have weak control over their members and cannot change this approach,” he said. Even if the RSF were paid, Arbab adds, the returns from ransom payments are “incomparable to any salary.” While the RSF leadership are calling for citizens to return to their homes, their own forces ensure people remain afar, fearing for their security. * Names changed to protect the sources’ identify

Human trafficking: The latest RSF violation in the Sudanese war #Sudan #AyinNetwork

Sudan in a week: Ayin News Bulletin #9 – Ayin network – شبكة عاين 20 November 2025 To keep our readers informed of the multitude of events taking place in Sudan amidst the ongoing, devastating war, we have developed a series of weekly news briefs, covering nine major topics of the week. In this week’s edition: Fierce battles escalate across Kordofan UAE detentions of Sudanese activists labeled “enforced disappearance” Thirty-two women raped fleeing El Fasher, medical network warns Port Sudan rejects UN investigation into El Fasher abuses Community kitchens shut down at Uganda refugee camp, leaving 10,000 at risk Lawyer defending detained historian survives assassination attempt Companies withdraw from Heglig oil field after drone strike Arrest campaign targets activists opposing toxic gold mining in South Kordofan Forced salary deductions to support the army spark outrage in White Nile Over 100,000 displaced from El Fasher amid dire humanitarian warnings 1. Fierce battles escalate across Kordofan Fighting between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has intensified across Kordofan, marking some of the fiercest confrontations since the war began. Over the past week, clashes have erupted on multiple fronts as both sides race to secure control of strategic areas in the region. In West Kordofan, the RSF tightened its siege on the army’s 22nd Infantry Division in Babanusa, forcing battles into the vicinity of the division’s headquarters, the last remaining army position in the city. A field source told Ayin that RSF fighters launched a three-pronged assault on Sunday and briefly breached the division’s walls before withdrawing under heavy resistance. Meanwhile, North Kordofan has witnessed violent clashes following successive offensives by the army and allied groups. On Saturday, army units stormed the towns of Kazgil and Umm Dam Haj Ahmed, only for the RSF to retake both areas within hours. Fighting resumed Monday when the army and allied factions launched simultaneous assaults on Bara and the Um Sayala area. While forces briefly entered Um Sayala, the RSF mounted a counter-attack and regained the area, wounding Sudan Shield Forces commander Abu Aqla Kikel, according to a Tuesday statement. A military source told Ayin that a parallel attempt to advance on Bara was repelled outside the city, forcing army units to retreat toward El-Obeid. RSF fighters later circulated videos showing destroyed military equipment and bodies they claimed belonged to army-aligned units. The RSF declared a “resounding victory” in Um Sayala, claiming to have eliminated an entire mobile force and pursued fleeing soldiers into White Nile State. The army and its allies have not publicly commented on the losses. 2. UAE detentions of Sudanese activists labeled “enforced disappearance” Human rights lawyers say Sudanese activists living in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are being detained without charge, describing the arrests as arbitrary and amounting to an “enforced disappearance”. A lawyer following dozens of cases told Ayin that detainees’ names cannot be disclosed due to security risks. According to the lawyer, UAE authorities have arrested Sudanese nationals through phone surveillance and social-media monitoring. The Central Al-Salha Resistance Committees in Omdurman confirmed that their spokesman, Nader Meryoud, was detained inside the UAE on 16 November after seeking refuge there during the war. The committee said the arrest came hours after it published a statement criticising the UAE’s alleged support for the RSF, which has been accused of mass atrocities in El Fasher, Bara, and other areas. Prominent Sudanese politician Mohamed Farouk Suleiman has also been detained in the UAE since January 2025, with no explanation of charges. Sudanese army commanders accuse Abu Dhabi of funding and arming the RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti). The UAE denies the allegations, accusing Sudan’s army of prolonging the war and seeking Islamist support. Human rights activist Mohamed Khaled told Ayin that Sudanese authorities in Port Sudan are failing to press the UAE for answers, leaving activists vulnerable to prolonged detention or deportation. He described the situation as a combination of intimidation by UAE security and neglect by Sudan’s interim authorities. Khaled said many detainees fear being forcibly returned to Sudan through Port Sudan airport, where they could face further reprisals. 3. Thirty-two women raped fleeing El Fasher, medical network warns The Sudanese Doctors Network has documented 32 confirmed cases of rape involving girls who fled El Fasher for Tawila within a single week. According to the network, some attacks occurred inside El Fasher after RSF forces stormed the city on October 26, while others took place during escape attempts. The network asserted that the assaults represent severe breaches of international humanitarian law, equating to war crimes and crimes against mankind. It warned that the pattern reflects systematic targeting of women and girls in RSF-controlled areas, where protection mechanisms have collapsed. The group held the RSF fully responsible for the attacks and called for urgent international intervention. It urged an independent investigation, immediate protection for survivors and witnesses, and unhindered access for medical and humanitarian agencies. The UN Human Rights Council on November 14 approved creating a fact-finding mission to investigate alleged violations in El Fasher, including sexual violence and unlawful killings. The mission will document evidence for potential future accountability mechanisms. Humanitarian groups say the number of unreported cases is likely far higher due to fear, stigma, and restricted access to medical services. 4. Port Sudan rejects UN investigation into El Fasher abuses Sudan’s army-aligned government in Port Sudan has formally rejected a UN Human Rights Council decision to deploy a fact-finding mission to El Fasher, where widespread violations have been reported since the city fell to the RSF on October 26. Human rights defender Ahmed Osman told Ayin that military leaders fear the mission will expose them to international prosecution if investigators access victims inside Sudan. He noted that the army has consistently refused to cooperate with the mission since its creation in October 2023. Osman added that the UN inquiry previously gathered testimonies from Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, but they had been blocked from entering Sudan. The army is also reportedly concerned about the UN’s ongoing interest in alleged chemical-weapons use in Khartoum. Sudan’s representative in Geneva argued that national mechanisms are sufficient to investigate abuses, and he opposed clauses authorising an international mission. The Foreign Ministry echoed this position, citing existing domestic and UN structures. The RSF welcomed the mission, which analysts say reflects its attempt to engage with international actors independently of the Port Sudan government. Rights groups note that the government refused mission entry three times in 2024. UN investigators are now expected to gather testimonies from survivors outside Sudan, using remote methods common in conflict zones. 5. Community kitchens shut down at Uganda refugee camp, leaving 10,000 at risk Nearly 10,000 Sudanese refugees in northern Uganda face acute hunger after volunteer-run community kitchens were forced to shut down due to funding shortages. The kitchens had served as a lifeline for residents of a camp hosting around 70,000 Sudanese. A volunteer coordinator told Ayin that the World Food Programme reduced cash-assistance programmes to “zero” in May 2025, leaving refugees increasingly dependent on the kitchens. Recent economic hardship has deepened demand for free meals, but donations have dwindled. The civilian coalition “Somoud,” led by former prime minister Abdalla Hamdok, urged international agencies to restore funding and prevent a humanitarian emergency. The coalition thanked Uganda for hosting tens of thousands of Sudanese since the war’s outbreak. Around 100,000 Sudanese refugees have fled to Uganda, many living in extreme poverty in remote settlements. Tensions flared in July 2025 when South Sudanese refugees attacked Sudanese residents, killing one and injuring several. Humanitarian worker Rashid Mohammed said UN agencies have “completely abandoned” Sudanese refugees in the region. He warned that thousands of children, elderly people, and the chronically ill face worsening malnutrition and called for third-country resettlement or sustained humanitarian support. 6. Lawyer defending detained historian survives assassination attempt A lawyer representing Sudanese historian Khalid Bahiri narrowly survived an assassination attempt in Wad Medani after being struck by a speeding vehicle. Advocate Maria Suleiman volunteered to defend Bahiri, who has been under detention by army intelligence for 10 months. Bahiri’s son, Mohammed, told Ayin the attack occurred two days before his father’s fourth court hearing. He accused the perpetrators of attempting to intimidate Suleiman after she challenged the prosecution’s allegations of RSF collaboration. Bahiri was abducted from his home in January 2025, forcibly disappeared for three months, and later moved between detention sites before being brought to trial. Mohammed said the prosecution has produced no evidence linking his father to the RSF. Instead, the only witness—a Sudan Shield Forces member—testified that Bahiri was engaged solely in humanitarian work during RSF control of the city. The prosecution has repeatedly requested postponements, which the family says are attempts to prolong his detention. Bahiri, 70, suffers from chronic illnesses, and his family is demanding his immediate release, describing the case as politically motivated retaliation. 7. Companies withdraw from Heglig oil field after drone strike Companies operating in the Heglig oil field in West Kordofan have withdrawn staff and halted operations after a drone strike last Thursday killed and injured workers. The RSF is accused of carrying out the attack. A field worker told Ayin that facilities processing Sudanese and South Sudanese crude had been fully shut down, and personnel had evacuated through South Sudan. He said companies had been preparing for withdrawal for months due to persistent threats. The shutdown included South Sudan’s central processing unit, effectively halting its oil exports—an economic blow to a country heavily reliant on oil revenue. Observers warn this could deepen South Sudan’s fiscal crisis. Petrolines Crude Oil Limited (PETCO) confirmed that three missiles struck its workshop and laboratory, causing severe damage. The company declared force majeure, noting it could no longer meet contractual obligations. Heglig is guarded by the army’s 90th Brigade, one of the few remaining military positions in West Kordofan, where most towns are now under RSF control alongside nearby Babanusa. 8. Arrest campaign targets activists opposing toxic gold mining in South Kordofan Security forces in South Kordofan have launched a wave of arrests targeting activists and residents protesting toxic gold-mining practices in Talodi. A local activist informed Ayin that police initially held the detainees before transferring them to military intelligence without any charges. Families have been barred from visiting the detainees, raising fears about their safety. Activists say the arrests escalated after residents protested a recent poisoning incident that resulted in deaths, though the official medical report has yet to be released. The Teachers’ Alliance (TAM) said mining companies continue using banned chemicals such as cyanide and mercury at local processing sites, despite widespread public opposition. Residents say police and army units arrested at least a dozen people, with more facing threats. Following protests, some residents burnt small mining operations they accused of using toxic substances. Authorities have since opened criminal cases under Article 61 of Sudan’s Penal Code, which concerns the organisation of armed groups. Local activists warn that tensions may escalate further amid a lack of government response to demands for safer mining practices. 9. Forced salary deductions to support the army spark outrage in White Nile Teachers and government workers in White Nile State say they are being forced to surrender part of their October salaries to support the Sudanese army, sparking widespread anger. A document obtained by Ayin shows mandated deductions of 5,000 SDG from employees and 3,000 SDG from workers. Teachers, who describe their salaries as “catastrophic”, say the deductions worsen already dire living conditions. Several teachers informed Ayin that security actors respond to their objections with threats, fostering an environment of intimidation. The Sudanese Teachers Committee condemned the move as a “crime”, saying the unions imposing the deductions have no electoral legitimacy and exist mainly to enforce levies. It noted that teachers in many states face salary arrears of up to two years and have lost allowances since the war began. The committee demanded an immediate halt to deductions, enforcement of laws prohibiting salary cuts without court orders, and payment of 14 months’ outstanding wages. It also urged reinstating allowances removed during the conflict. Labour groups warn that continued coercive levies may further destabilise the education sector, which is already weakened by mass displacement and economic collapse. 10. Over 100,000 displaced from El Fasher amid dire humanitarian warnings More than 100,000 people have fled El Fasher and surrounding areas since the RSF seized the city on October 26, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported on November 17. The displacement has spread across 23 districts in nine states, with many escape routes marked by insecurity and violence. The crisis has compounded a humanitarian catastrophe already unfolding across Darfur. Large numbers of people from Zamzam, Abu Shouk, and other areas have been repeatedly displaced since the war began in April 2023. IOM chief Amy Pope warned that humanitarian needs have reached “enormous proportions,” with widespread reports of atrocities against civilians. UN agencies say aid operations are nearing collapse due to insecurity, funding shortages, and access restrictions. On November 14, thousands more displaced families streamed into arid regions, including the town of Golo. UNHCR reported that people fleeing El Fasher were arriving “every hour” in Ad-Dabba, where conditions are severe and resources scarce. UN humanitarian chief Tom Fletcher described Darfur as “the centre of human suffering in the world” and called El Fasher a “crime scene.” He urged safe corridors for aid delivery, warning that children—who make up more than half of the displaced—are facing profound trauma, hunger, and violence. Local authorities in Ad-Dabba report more than 40,000 displaced since the war began, with thousands arriving after El Fasher’s fall. Many are sleeping outdoors without food, water, or medicine. UNHCR says many have survived multiple displacements and were robbed or extorted during escape. Sudan now faces the world’s largest displacement crisis, with nearly 13 million people uprooted inside and outside the country since April 2023. Fighting between the army and RSF continues to trigger mass civilian flight and mounting casualties.

Sudan in a week: Ayin News Bulletin #9 #Sudan #AyinNetwork

Opinion: “The war on Sudan: the choice is ours” – Ayin network – شبكة عاين 20 November 2025 By Jean-Nicolas Armstrong-Dangelser, MSF Senior Operations Advisor “The choice is ours.” This sentence has echoed in my mind throughout the time I spent in Sudan as part of the operational support team responding to the growing humanitarian needs caused by more than 30 months of reckless war. These needs extend beyond Sudan’s borders. They spill over into the vast gaps faced by Sudanese refugees fleeing for their lives to neighbouring countries, such as eastern Chad, where I also spent several months responding to the humanitarian crisis. The accountability for what is happening is, ultimately, a collective failure. I have met countless firsthand eyewitnesses. One memory that stands out is meeting refugees who fled the mass killings of June and November 2023 in El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur. I met them in May 2024, when the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) started to surround El Fasher. They recounted their horrific experiences: how thousands of their community members were slaughtered and they already feared that El Fasher would soon suffer the same fate. I remember the shock and sadness on the faces of people returning to Khartoum after Ramadan. They were coming back to entire neighbourhoods that were completely destroyed after months of relentless street fighting and campaigns of indiscriminate heavy artillery shelling and airstrikes. The desolation was a stark indication of the armed factions’ aim to destroy the enemy and maintain power over people without any regard for the preservation of human lives and dignity. I remember the mothers in the neonatology ward of El Geneina Teaching Hospital, counting how many newborns had died over the past week alone because of the unmet gaps in healthcare delivery across West Darfur. The scale of devastation in Sudan is soul-crushing. The complexity of the conflict cannot be summarised in a few sentences, but what is clear is that the social fabric of the country is being ripped apart, and people are being forced to take sides due to the sheer pressure of survival. The forces at play are emerging from ethnic fault lines that warring parties exploit for their own gain — much like colonial powers did before them. These societal fractures are deeply rooted in the past, and the reverberations of the current events will be felt for generations to come. The darkest side of humanity in front of our eyes I wouldn’t describe what we are witnessing in Sudan as “inhuman,” because that word itself is the first step of the othering process at the very root of the crisis. Rather, what we are seeing is the darkest side of humanity exposed through actions carried out against civilians in Sudan for the past 30 months. It tragically reminds us of the genocide of the early 2000s. The violence unleashed during that period involved the exact same actors at play today, even though many relations and alliances have shifted in the meantime. For too long, and even at the time of writing, armed actors in Sudan have been erasing the humanity of entire communities through their written words and speeches that justify the physical and cultural extermination of these people. However, violence and darkness are not the only factors echoing from the past in today’s situation. The generosity, courage and boldness of the Sudanese people are also extending the old traditions of solidarity in various ways. The community kitchens fed millions of people for months, if not years, and continue to do so. The doctors’ networks and the Emergency Response Rooms treat hundreds of thousands of patients and save countless lives. And these are only a couple of examples of the mutual aid ecosystem that exists in Sudan. They are not only doing incredible work, but they are also the bulk of the aid that the Sudanese people are receiving, particularly in areas that have been off-limits to international organisations and state institutions for months. We all failed Sudan The international humanitarian community failed the Sudanese people when, at the start of the war, most international staff in all institutions abandoned them to their fate. It has failed to deliver aid where and when it is needed due to a lack of leadership and coherence. The same failure extends to international mechanisms: from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to foreign powers deeply involved, directly or indirectly. Despite Resolution 2736 of the UNSC, which demanded that the RSF end its siege of El Fasher, no concrete or meaningful actions were taken. In the post-truth era we live in, every belligerent claims to defend civilians and uphold international humanitarian law, while decision-makers claim they have no leverage to stop the violence. These hollow declarations are empty gestures, and the Sudanese people are still waiting to see genuine political will transform into real change in their lives. Mutual aid flourished not only out of tradition and conviction, but also out of necessity. As the conflict drags on, needs continue to grow in increasing parts of the country, weapons continue to flow from foreign powers despite a constantly violated embargo that should have been expanded from Darfur to cover the whole country, and international funding continues to decrease steadily. Despite repeated warnings from history, from experts, from field workers, and from Sudanese themselves, those with the power to act across the international system have failed to prevent the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives. This war is not inadvertently forgotten, but it is consciously ignored. The tragedy unfolding today was predictable, but not unavoidable. The choice remains ours.

Opinion: “The war on Sudan: the choice is ours” #Sudan #AyinNetwork

UAE senior government links to Colombian mercenary support to the RSF – Ayin network – شبكة عاين

UAE senior government links to Colombian mercenary support to the RSF #Sudan #AyinNetwork

After El Fasher’s fall — Regional powers scramble to save Sudan’s army – Ayin network – شبكة عاين 14 November 2025 Diplomatic sources told Ayin that during a closed-door meeting in Geneva with U.S. envoy Massad Bolous, Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan made a direct appeal for new military supply channels. The discussion, described by officials as tense yet pragmatic, focused on how the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) could reduce their reliance on Iran and Russia without losing ground to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). According to the sources, Burhan requested an “alternative supply framework” to secure advanced weaponry and technical assistance from Western-aligned states. “His top priority,” the sources said, was to obtain early warning defence systems and air defence systems to shield key military installations and urban centres under SAF control from RSF drone attacks. The urgency stems from RSF’s growing use of high-technology drones, allegedly supplied by the United Arab Emirates (UAE). These systems have inflicted significant damage on SAF positions across Sudan, exposing SAF’s limited air defence capabilities. Burhan, according to one diplomat, “was seeking any credible partner who could fill the gap — short of Iran and Russia.” The Geneva meeting marked one of Burhan’s most overt diplomatic attempts to realign Sudan’s war strategy with Western and regional allies. Yet his request also exposed the growing complexity of Sudan’s foreign entanglements — where military needs, political legitimacy, and foreign influence collide. Egypt’s calculated hesitation Diplomatic sources said the envoy, Massad Bolous, later turned to Egypt—Sudan’s closest military ally—pressing Cairo to help equip the SAF with early warning and air defence systems. The move, officials believe, was aimed at preventing further RSF drone dominance and securing the skies over SAF-held territories. But Egyptian military leaders have shown hesitation. While Cairo has provided political backing and limited logistical assistance to the SAF since the war began, its commitment to advance its air defence system remains uncertain. Egypt agreed to provide SAF with early warning systems. According to diplomatic sources, Egypt’s reluctance is rooted in two key concerns: the financial and operational burden of deploying and maintaining such systems and the strategic risk of deeper involvement in Sudan’s war. “Providing air defence means a long-term military footprint,” one source told Ayin. “Cairo fears that would drag Egypt into a conflict it wants to control from the sidelines.” Still, Egypt has quietly expanded its engagement. In the days following the fall of El Fasher—a strategic city in Darfur captured by the RSF—Egypt’s second-highest-ranking army officer travelled to Port Sudan for what insiders described as urgent consultations with Burhan. The visit, they said, was centred on revising the SAF’s military plans and exploring new tactical coordination. The discussions reportedly included proposals for joint intelligence operations and technology transfers aimed at blistering SAF’s defensive capacity. While no formal agreement has been disclosed, the meetings signalled a renewed Egyptian willingness to prevent further SAF territorial losses— particularly in eastern and northern Sudan, where Cairo sees its interests directly at stake. Turkey’s cautious support Along with Egypt’s manoeuvres, Turkish intelligence and defence officials have also intensified contacts with their Sudanese counterparts. A senior Turkish official told Ayin that Ankara is prepared to expand both military and diplomatic support, though it remains unwilling to deploy troops on Sudanese soil. “Sudan is not Syria or Libya for us,” the official said, underscoring Turkey’s desire to avoid another direct military entanglement. “But our support will increase — in the same model we use in Somalia, through training, equipment, and defence cooperation.” This reference to Somalia is significant. In that country, Turkey established a model that combines arms deliveries, military training, and institutional support without direct intervention. Replicating such an approach in Sudan could allow Ankara to project influence without becoming militarily exposed. Officials familiar with the ongoing discussions confirmed that both Turkey and Egypt are now coordinating formally to support the SAF and prevent further territorial collapse. Despite their historical rivalry, the two regional powers appear aligned on maintaining Sudan’s army as a counterweight to the RSF and the expanding influence of Iran and Russia. “The fall of El Fasher served as a wake-up call,” one regional diplomat told Ayin. “Ankara and Cairo both realised that if the RSF continues advancing, the entire balance of power in the region will shift — not only in Sudan, but across the Red Sea corridor.” Analysis: shifting alliances and new calculations Diplomats interpret Burhan’s Geneva appeal as a clear signal of shifting allegiances. His willingness to distance the SAF from Iranian and Russian support marks a notable departure from recent months. This period included Iranian-made drones reportedly playing a key role in SAF’s limited air operations. But Burhan’s move also reflects growing internal pressure. With the RSF continuing to advance in Darfur and Kordofan and the army losing critical infrastructure, senior commanders have been demanding more reliable foreign backing. The Geneva meeting, therefore, represented both a plea for help and an implicit admission of strategic vulnerability. The pressure is also mounting on Egypt. Cairo directly links its national security and control over the Nile Basin to Sudan’s stability. However, the economic burden and domestic fatigue regarding foreign interventions have kept Egypt cautious. Uncertain future Despite diplomatic efforts, major obstacles remain. The cost of air defence systems, training personnel, and integrating technology into SAF’s fractured command structure are all major challenges. The SAF is also facing internal divisions, logistical constraints, and a decline in morale due to months of RSF advances. For now, Burhan’s strategy appears to be focused on survival—securing enough foreign assistance to prevent further losses while signalling political flexibility to Western and regional partners. Whether that strategy succeeds depends largely on how far Egypt and Turkey are willing to go and whether the U.S. and its allies view Sudan’s military leadership as a reliable partner. As one diplomat told Ayin, “Everyone is playing for time. Burhan wants to show he can pivot away from Iran, but without losing the war. Egypt and Turkey want to help him, but not to the point of owning the conflict.” The coming months may determine whether Sudan’s military finds new lifelines or becomes further trapped between global rivalries. For now, the Geneva talks reveal more than a diplomatic exchange — they expose a deeper struggle over who will shape Sudan’s war and who will ultimately control its skies.

After El Fasher’s fall — Regional powers scramble to save Sudan’s army #Sudan #AyinNetwork

Sudan in a week: Ayin News Bulletin #8 – Ayin network – شبكة عاين 11 November 2025 To keep our readers informed of the multitude of events taking place in Sudan amidst the ongoing, devastating war, we have developed a series of weekly news briefs, covering nine major topics of the week. In this week’s edition: Egyptian army raises alert amid military escalation on Sudanese border Rapid Support Forces attack Babanusa and bombard Dilling The fate of humanitarian truce remains uncertain RSF military outposts in Abyei raise UN concerns RSF seeks to expand gold production in Darfur The army and RSF exchange escalating drone attacks Protests erupt in northern Sudan over mining pollution Chad reopens Adré border crossing with Sudan 1. Egyptian army raises alert amid military escalation on Sudanese border The Egyptian army has raised its readiness level in southern Egypt after an airstrike targeted a Rapid Support Forces (RSF) convoy near the border triangle between Sudan, Libya, and Egypt. The RSF seized control of the gold-rich Triangle region in June 2025, raising concerns in Cairo over the group’s expanding influence along Egypt’s southwestern frontier. Egypt has not officially commented, but observers say the developments reflect growing tension over security and cross-border movements. Coinciding with the escalation, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel-Aty visited Port Sudan on Tuesday, reiterating that Egypt considers Sudan’s unity a “red line”. His trip followed diplomatic engagements with Gulf states to coordinate regional positions on Sudan. A Sudanese government source told Ayin that the targeted convoy had arrived from Libya, carrying military equipment and foreign fighters, including Libyans, destined to support RSF operations against the Sudanese army. Sources confirmed that most of those killed in the strike were foreign recruits brought by the RSF from Libya and western Africa. Analysts say the RSF’s control of the border triangle has strategic importance. Researcher Mohamed Abbas told Ayin that since July, the RSF has used Libya’s Kufra region as a logistics hub for fuel, ammunition, and fighters—a move that prompted the Egyptian military’s heightened alert. Abbas added that the RSF is also attempting to present itself to Europe as a partner in curbing irregular migration while maintaining its military and economic footholds across northern Darfur and the Triangle area. 2. Rapid Support Forces attack Babanusa and bombard Dilling The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have intensified attacks in Kordofan, launching skirmishes near Babanusa in West Kordofan and heavy artillery strikes on Dilling in South Kordofan, leaving civilian casualties and worsening humanitarian conditions. Local sources told Ayin that RSF fighters carried out limited ground assaults and drone strikes near the army’s 22nd Infantry Division base in Babanusa earlier this week, while continuing to amass forces for a larger offensive. Led by Colonel Saleh Al-Futi, RSF units have been mobilising around Babnusa since seizing El Fasher in North Darfur, seeking to capture one of the army’s few remaining strongholds in West Kordofan. Meanwhile, RSF and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North forces launched the heaviest bombardment yet on Dilling last Friday, firing more than 40 shells on residential neighbourhoods and hospitals, killing at least six people and injuring a dozen more. The combined forces are tightening their siege at Dilling from three directions—west, north, and east, stationed just seven kilometres from the city centre. Residents report deteriorating humanitarian conditions amid shortages of food and medicine. The RSF is also positioning around El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan, where many families are fleeing in anticipation of renewed fighting. 3. The fate of a humanitarian truce remains uncertain Efforts to broker a humanitarian truce between Sudan’s warring factions remain stalled, despite the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) announcing their acceptance of the Quartet Mechanism’s proposal last week. The army has not formally declared its stance. Both delegations remain in Washington for informal US-mediated consultations aimed at securing a three-month ceasefire. The Sudanese Security and Defence Council met on Tuesday to discuss the truce but issued no decision. Defence Minister Hassan Daoud Kapron said the government had welcomed “sincere efforts” to ease civilian suffering and assigned a committee to outline Sudan’s position on aid access and security stabilisation. The RSF stated that they approved the truce to enable humanitarian aid and safeguard civilians. It also called for immediate talks on ending hostilities and launching a political process to address Sudan’s long-term crises. However, army leaders Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Yasser al-Atta publicly rejected any truce with the RSF, insisting that fighting must continue. US presidential adviser Massad Boulos said Washington remains optimistic about progress toward de-escalation and a peaceful settlement, though observers caution that trust between the parties remains minimal. 4. RSF military outposts in Abyei raise UN concerns The establishment of Rapid Support Forces (RSF) checkpoints north of Abyei has alarmed the United Nations, which urged the withdrawal of all armed groups from the disputed border area between Sudan and South Sudan. At a recent UN Security Council session, US representative Michael Waltz warned that Washington may reconsider support for the peacekeeping mission in Abyei if both countries fail to expedite administrative and security arrangements mandated under the 2005 peace accord. Local officials confirmed to Ayin that RSF units have been deployed near Abyei alongside South Sudanese groups, escalating tensions as both sides face domestic political pressure to assert control over the region. UN Assistant Secretary-General Martha Ama Akyaa Pobee told the Council that RSF and other militias have set up illegal checkpoints in northern Abyei, while South Sudanese forces remain stationed in the south. Analysts fear the UN’s reduced funding for peacekeeping may increase the risk of clashes between Sudanese and South Sudanese forces. Researcher Abdul Wahab Makki told Ayin that the RSF’s buildup near Abyei is part of a wider strategy to secure territory ahead of any ceasefire deal, with the group seeking to add the town to its military map. 5. RSF seeks to expand gold production in Darfur The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) plan to expand gold mining operations in Central Darfur, aiming to finance their “parallel government” and sustain their military campaign, sources told Ayin. Between 2014 and 2019, the RSF reportedly earned over $3 billion from gold extracted in Jebel Amer, North Darfur. Tensions between Port Sudan authorities and Abu Dhabi in August 2025 halted gold exports to the UAE, which had surged during the war. Political economist Mohamed Kamal told Ayin that Hemedti’s forces are working to consolidate control over Darfur’s resources, particularly gold, while attracting companies to operate under the RSF administration. He warned that private military entities, including Russia’s Wagner Group, could exploit the situation to gain access to Darfur’s mines in exchange for military assistance. Kamal added that if peace talks collapse, gold may become the main currency for foreign involvement in Sudan’s war economy, deepening external interference in the conflict. 6. The army and RSF exchange escalating drone attacks Sudan’s conflict entered a new phase this week as the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) intensified drone warfare across multiple states, striking both military and civilian targets. On November 4, an RSF drone attack on a mourning gathering near Al-Ubayyid killed at least 24 people. The same day, both sides claimed to have downed each other’s aircraft over Babnusa in West Kordofan. Two days later, unidentified drones bombed populated areas in Central Darfur, causing dozens of civilian casualties, according to the RSF. The RSF also launched drone strikes on Damazin and Kurmuk in the Blue Nile region, where clashes with the army have intensified. On November 7, over 15 RSF suicide drones targeted Omdurman and Atbara, though the army said all were intercepted. Further drone exchanges continued through November 10 and 11 across El-Obeid, Damazin, and Khartoum, as humanitarian groups warned of growing risks to civilians. Observers say the surge in drone warfare marks a significant escalation, signalling a shift towards sustained aerial conflict with little regard for civilian safety. 7. Protests erupt in northern Sudan over mining pollution Residents of Abri in northern Sudan have staged new protests against an international mining company accused of polluting local water and air through gold extraction using cyanide. Demonstrators from six villages held banners condemning environmental “tampering”, demanding the company’s immediate closure and an independent investigation into its operations. A statement from the “Youth of the Six” group said the protest was a message that residents’ patience has run out and that their right to health and clean water must be respected. Local sources told Ayin that despite previous court rulings against the company, it resumed operations through official influence linked to the security apparatus. The movement forms part of a years-long campaign across northern Sudan against environmentally destructive mining, which residents say threatens future generations. 8. Chad reopens Adré border crossing with Sudan Chad has reopened the Adré border crossing with Sudan after a 12-day closure that disrupted trade and triggered price hikes across Darfur. Traders in Central Darfur told Ayin that the shutdown caused sharp increases in food and fuel costs, with sugar prices doubling in Zalingei. The Adré crossing, a key trade route since the start of Sudan’s war, had been closed amid reports that RSF commanders imposed illegal tolls on goods entering from Chad. Regional sources said the closure was partly prompted by public anger in Chad over RSF abuses in El Fasher. Although commercial traffic was halted, humanitarian aid continued to pass through. Authorities have now allowed trade to resume, easing shortages in Darfur, though residents remain wary of renewed disruptions if tensions along the border persist.

Sudan in a week: Ayin News Bulletin #8 #Sudan #AyinNetwork

RSF and the making of Abu Lulu – Ayin network – شبكة عاين 10 November 2025 Few names drew attention in Sudan before October 26, 2025, like Fateh Abdullah Idris, more commonly known as “Abu Lulu”. Before the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces’ (RSF) capture of El Fasher, he was relatively unknown outside the circles of Darfur militias and paramilitary forces. Yet after the city fell, footage emerged of him executing civilians and his notoriety spread worldwide. Colleagues describe Abu Lulu as an ordinary fighter before the rapid escalation in Darfur. “He was just a regular soldier,” one colleague told Ayin, choosing anonymity. “He moved between different combat fronts from Khartoum to Darfur before the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) regained control of Khartoum last year.” Sudan’s paramilitary history closely influences Abu Lulu’s trajectory. He was initially part of the Border Guard, a militia created under former President Omer al-Bashir’s regime to confront rebel movements and illegal immigration in Darfur. Witnesses and former members confirmed that these units participated in multiple massacres in the region. Later, these forces emerged within the RSF in 2017, when Bashir sought to consolidate paramilitary power in Darfur and beyond. “He was with us in the border guard,” a former colleague told Ayin, “before joining the RSF. These units were heavily armed and tasked with suppressing opposition in Darfur. Abu Lulu proved himself on the battlefield quickly.” Over time, Abu Lulu gained recognition beyond his unit. By the time RSF troops entered El Fasher, he had transitioned from a frontline fighter to a feared commander. Viral videos documented his brutal actions, including the execution of civilians trying to escape the city. In one clip, a man begged Abu Lulu for mercy, insisting he was a civilian, yet he was shot dead – an act that solidified Abu Lulu’s infamy. RSF denials Following the release of these videos, multiple RSF sources sought to distance the force from Abu Lulu. “He does not belong to the RSF,” a senior RSF officer told Ayin. “He leads a group fighting alongside us and he will be held accountable for his actions.” RSF spokesperson al-Fateh al-Qurashi echoed this position, denying Abu Lulu’s inclusion in the RSF chain of command. RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemeti, acknowledged the “individual atrocities” carried out by RSF units and announced the formation of an investigative committee, promising that “there will be accountability.” The RSF command even claimed to have arrested Abu Lulu for committing war crimes. Photos of Abu Lulu in handcuffs, with a smirk on his face, started to appear on social media earlier this month. But human rights activists and political analysts doubt their authenticity. “This is just a publicity stunt to deflect international condemnation,” says political analyst and researcher Mohamed Ibrahim. “Before the [RSF] attack on El Fasher, the RSF’s second-in-command, Abdel-Rahim Dagalo, was caught on film instructing all the RSF soldiers to leave no one alive, to kill everyone,” Ibrahim added. “Many suspect Abu Lulu was just a diversion to deflect attention from this circulated clip – clearly showing that RSF atrocities are sanctioned from the top.” Human rights analysts and observers argue that the RSF has frequently used such distancing tactics to protect its image while maintaining operational relationships with allied local militias. Such behaviour allows paramilitaries to claim accountability while profiting from the actions of commanders, like Abu Lulu, who operate with considerable autonomy on the ground. El Fasher under Abu Lulu’s shadow Extreme violence marked the RSF’s takeover of El Fasher. Residents reported that Abu Lulu’s group operated with a level of autonomy, patrolling the city’s entrances and systematically executing civilians attempting to flee. The footage of his actions quickly circulated on social media, portraying him as one of the most feared figures in the city. “The city fell, and he became a name everyone feared,” said Ahmed*, a survivor speaking with Ayin over the phone from Tawila. “He would stand at checkpoints, shooting anyone trying to leave. It was terrifying.” Eyewitnesses confirm that while Abu Lulu acted alongside RSF-affiliated forces, he maintained operational control of his group, creating a complex chain of command that blurred the distinction between the RSF and allied militias. This approach is consistent with longstanding RSF strategies: by allowing field commanders to act semi-independently, the RSF can achieve military objectives while shielding its leadership from direct accountability. The El Fasher operation reflects broader patterns in Sudan’s ongoing war, where paramilitary units and allied militias operate with little oversight and civilians bear the brunt of the violence. Abu Lulu’s actions underscore the human cost of such networks, which have evolved over decades from government-backed militias into fully operational paramilitary forces with significant regional and international backers. A history of impunity The RSF itself traces its origins to the Janjaweed, Arab tribal militias mobilised by the Sudanese government during the Darfur war in the early 2000s. The militias were accused of widespread atrocities, including massacres, ethnic cleansing and sexual violence. In 2013, Bashir formally restructured the Janjaweed under the RSF banner and appointed Hemeti as the commander. The RSF became a semi-autonomous power bloc despite being formally a part of Sudan’s military hierarchy. It amassed significant economic resources through gold mining operations and mercenary contacts abroad. When the RSF refused integration into the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) on the SAF’s proposed timeline, the resulting brutal conflict allowed the RSF to leverage its deep field networks and combat experience to seize strategic areas in Darfur and Kordofan. The RSF often used the same tactics employed in Darfur over the past two decades to target civilians, particularly those suspected of allegiance to opposing forces. While the RSF have promised investigations and potential accountability for Abu Lulu, the history of impunity in Darfur and elsewhere raises doubts. For survivors and witnesses, the arrest or reprimand of one commander offers little assurance that systemic abuses will cease. As the war continues, Abu Lulu remains a symbol of the dangers posed by semi-autonomous militias embedded within larger paramilitary networks. His trajectory — from a relatively unknown Border Guard fighter to a feared executioner in El Fasher — reflects the ongoing challenges Sudan faces in confronting wartime atrocities and establishing meaningful accountability. * The name has been changed to protect the source’s identity

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Eyewitnesses from Bara: Executions inside homes and bodies on the streets – Ayin network – شبكة عاين Harrowing accounts have emerged of summary executions carried out inside homes by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on October 25 after they seized control of the strategic city of Bara in North Kordofan State. “We saw bodies from inside the city of Bara all the way until we left the city,” said one eyewitness, Ismail, who miraculously managed to escape the carnage and eventually made it to El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State. “On Friday night, Saturday morning, there was a massive bombing that terrified all the residents of Bara,” Ismail recounts. “They would knock on your door and [then] storm into the house. They wouldn’t talk to you – just beat you.” While the distance between Bara and El Obeid is 56 kilometres, says Khalid Majoub, a volunteer supporting the displaced from Bara, many took a week to reach the town due to insecurity along the way. An estimated 3,000 displaced have come from Bara to El Obeid, Mahjoub added. As of today, the Sudanese Doctors Network reported that many people are still missing since the RSF siege on Bara. By taking Bara, the RSF is effectively encircling El Obeid, positioning the Kordofan region as the new central front in the war.

Eyewitnesses from Bara: Executions inside homes and bodies on the streets #Sudan #AyinNetwork

Now sheltering in the open, they face severe shortages of food, clean water, and proper housing, carrying the weight of painful displacement and the grief of war’s toll.
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📸 Women of Sudan: Collective Resilience Amid Hardship

Photos by #Ayin capture scenes of women displaced by war, coming together in collective efforts to provide support and meals for fellow survivors and the displaced.
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